从宋金“和”“战”谈对岳飞的再认识

宋金“和”“战”之争,本涉众多历史人物的评价,其中以岳飞反对“议和”而被宋廷杀掉最为显著,本文从宋金“和”“战”开始,提出对岳飞的再认识,认为岳飞不仅仅是反对“议和”而被杀的,同时涉及秦桧对岳飞之死是否负责及岳飞被杀的真正原因。     

宋代文人士大夫与荒政变革

荒政在宋代发生了思想、制度、机构的变革,完成了制度化的过程,形成了较为完整的荒政构架。在这个过程中,宋代新兴的"文人士大夫"阶层起到了重要的推动作用,本文通过研究"文人士大夫"阶层在宋代的形成和政治地位论证其参与荒政变革的可能性,并考证"文人士大夫"阶层的荒政思想于荒政思想史中的重要变革以及其在荒政实践中的具体创新,以期还原宋代文人士大夫在宋代荒政变革中的重要贡献。     

岳飞研究论文第二集现已出版发行

一九八八年十月十八日,在河南省汤阴县召开的岳飞研究会第二届学术研讨会文集,现已由我编辑部编辑出版,河南大学教授、宋史专家周宝珠担任主编。文集内容:有关于岳飞的重要政治军事活动、岳飞治军原则及其思想生活作风的论述,有对岳飞之死及冤狱平反诸方面的探讨和争鸣;另有从岳飞所到之处的遗迹考察入手。对岳飞的战功及影响进行评论。     

宋代文人意趣兴起的成因

受到文治制度的影响,庞大的宋代文人阶层迅速形成,文人士大夫成为时代的精神领袖,拥有话语权.宋代文人意趣的兴起促进了审美观念的转变,而文人群体对文化地位的自觉认知,宽裕的闲适生活提供了赏玩的条件,文人交游面的扩展和多元文化的吸纳等因素是宋代文人意趣兴起的主要成因.     

宋代文人士大夫与荒政变革

荒政在宋代发生了思想、制度、机构的变革,完成了制度化的过程,形成了较为完整的荒政构架。在这个过程中,宋代新兴的“文人士大夫”阶层起到了重要的推动作用,本文通过研究“文人士大夫”阶层在宋代的形成和政治地位论证其参与荒政变革的可能性,并考证“文人士大夫”阶层的荒政思想于荒政思想史中的重要变革以及其在荒政实践中的具体创新,以期还原宋代文人士大夫在宋代荒政变革中的重要贡献。     

宋朝的治国方略与文臣士大夫地位的提升

在宋代历史上,士大夫集团无疑担当了政治精英的角色。学们已经注意到：宋代士大夫影响力的增强对皇权产生限制,出现“皇帝与士大夫共治天下”的现象。宋代士大夫地位之所以提高,学界以往更多地侧重在大力推行科举制度等具体“重”方面的原因,而于宋朝在政治上对士大夫阶层的选择,特别是其相关治国方略及处理武关系所产生的作用仍然探究不足。     

皇权再论

通过以士大夫政治形成的宋代为基点,透过大量史料,分别从思想史与政治史的视角对中国历史上的皇权进行了历时性的考察。在思想史视野内的考察,主要阐述了王朝政治的参与者士大夫的皇权观与君主的自律意识。"君"或"君主",在先秦的指归为诸侯国君,自秦始皇开始则专指皇帝。然而,大一统的中央集权政治形成后的士大夫,则有意无视了这种不同,在儒学国教化以及理学的社会普遍化的强势背景下,大量发掘先秦政治言说中对君主限制的内容,作为限制君主制政体下绝对君权的理论武器。"君德成就责经筵",通过对皇子和皇帝进行的为君之道的正常制度化教育和潜移默化的影响,从士大夫的皇权观到君主的自律意识,成功地完成了理论位移。让多数君主在为君之道的框架内,难越雷池一步。在政治史视野内的考察,主要考察了在实际政治运作中的君臣关系。在君臣互相依存合作的前提下,历代士大夫为了防止名义上绝对君权的暴走脱轨,苦心积虑,对皇权实施了种种规范,本文归纳形容为"天"、"道"、"法"三个紧箍咒和"不文律"、"公议"、"留名的青史"三堵墙。本文还通过具体的政治实态揭示出,谏官、御史在多数情况下并没有完成天子法官的使命,却基本沦为政治集团的鹰犬。笔者视派系政治是理解中国政治史的一把钥匙。具体的考察显示,中国历史上的皇权经历了一个由人格化向非人格化转化的过程。尽管皇权在各个历史时期、甚至在同一王朝的不同时期消长都有不同,但实质性皇权由于政治制度的日臻完备等因素,发挥作用的余地愈来愈小,而显示权威的象征性因素却愈来愈大。     

配享功臣:盖棺未必论定——略说宋朝官方的历史人物评价操作

宋代不同于以往的时代。至高无上的皇权逐渐向象征化转变,前所未有地崛起的士大夫阶层对政治形成全面的主宰。与皇帝共治天下、分享权力的士大夫,也必然会产生树立自己政治偶像的需求。本文将迄今为止不大为研究者所注目的宋代功臣配享制度置于彼时彼处的政治背景之下,考察了功臣配享的曲折反复。宋代的功臣配享,伴随着士大夫政治的发展,也从文武搭配逐渐形成文臣独占。此外,宋朝配享议案出于翰苑的惯例,也表明配享功臣的话语权处于士大夫精英的掌握之中。功臣配享,反映的是当时朝廷官方的历史人物评价。其代表性往往被当时和后世所质疑。后来的撤换反复,反映了时过境迁的政治变化所带来的评价标准的变化。而后世的认知不同则是历史的时间差所带来的差异。     

浅谈汝瓷雅致艺术的传承

宋代是中国古代文明的高峰期,被欧美学者称为“东方的文艺复兴”。在社会人文艺术的影响下,宋代文人士大夫普遍追求雅致隐逸的生活。汝瓷是宋代文人士大夫追求雅致生活的产物。宋代文人士大夫将日常生活提升至艺术境界,且充实内在涵养与修为。这与现代人追求的生活美学与讲究个人品味的生活态度极为一致,亦与当今的东方美学主流意识不谋而合。本文对汝瓷雅致艺术的进行简要阐述。     

曾国藩的“矛盾心态”浅析

曾国藩是晚清一个颇具争议的悲剧性人物,阶级与时代的影响、传统与近代的争夺,造成了曾国藩的历史双层性格。他既是传道求仁的"理学家",又是杀人如麻的"剃头匠";他有保国保皇的政治忠诚,但迫于局势又不得不师夷西方;"自强御辱"的理想可以激励他成就内政方面的伟业,但天津教案中"力保和局"的现实却不能帮助他逃脱民族纠纷的大劫。曾国藩的矛盾思想和心态是那个政治与民族文化心理都很滞后的时代的产物。他的悲剧,是晚清士大夫阶层中有识之士的群体悲剧,也是那个时代的悲剧。     

Tang-Song or Song-Ming: The Significance of a Perspective Shift in Chinese Cultural and Intellectual History

Discussions on the contrast between the Tang and Song dynasties are common in Chinese cultural and intellectual history. Will it make more sense if the continuity between Song and Ming are emphasized instead? This shift in research perspective will have multiple effects. Instead of paying exclusive attention to the elites and classics, we will focus on common knowledge, thoughts, and beliefs. As a result of this shift in the core of our research interests, the process by which ideas and cultural novelties are institutionalized, popularized, and “conventionalized” will become an important focus of historical research. Shifting our concern from the “original thinking“ of the Tang and Song to the “compromise thinking“ of the Song and Ming will cause an increase in the kinds of documents about cultural and intellectual history. Such changes in periodization and research perspective can stimulate fundamental changes in the study of Chinese cultural and intellectual history.     

"五德终始"说之终结——兼论宋代以降传统政治文化的嬗变

The Five Virtues theory, designed to legitimate rules, was based on the belief in a cosmological system. The theory of the Five Virtues was replaced by the theory of Confucian orthodoxy based on moral critics during the renaissance of Confucianism in the Song Dynasty. The intellectual elites in the Song Dynasty launched a campaign against the Five Phases theory and the Apocryphal Texts, Fengshan, and Chuanguoxi, which constituted the main body of traditional political culture. They sought to eliminate the theoretical value of these traditions and eradicate their influence on people’s thoughts. Their high keyed and advanced political and ethical notions during the Song period became universal values in the Yuan, Ming, and Qing dynasties. The changes in the traditional political culture reveal the intellectual trends from the Song Dynasty throughout the Qing Dynasty. Translated by Luo Hui from Zhongguo Shehui Kexue 中国社会科学 (Social Sciences in China), 2006, (2): 177–191     

金代理学发展初探

金代理学接续北宋理学在北方的微弱血脉 ,在经过一段衰而不绝的时期后 ,以南宋理学的北上为契机 ,开始了一个复苏阶段。尽管在金朝遭到不少反对 ,但在一些大学者的积极倡导下 ,理学还是慢慢扩大了影响。一些理学世家的家学传统也得到继承和发扬。到金亡前后 ,学者们对理学的研习已成为思想史上不容忽视的现象。     

Ritual and Politics: An Examination of the 1072 Primal Ancestor Debate in the Northern Song

In considering the vital role played by imperial rites in claiming political legitimacy and maintaining social stability, Chinese emperors endeavored to present themselves as the perfect model for their subjects in terms of ritual performance. Focusing on a Northern Song (960–1127) ritual debate over the placement of imperial ancestors’ spirit tablets and ancestral chambers, especially that of the Primal Ancestor, this study aims to contribute to a better understanding of discussions on ancestral rituals and how they were intensified during the implementation of Wang Anshi’s New Policies. More importantly, this study reveals the differences between Song scholar-officials’ political positions and intellectual interests, thus providing a new interpretation of Song factionalism from the perspective of ritual politics.     

从复“义理之常”到言“义理之变”——清代今文经学家与程朱理学关系辨析

清代今文经学与主流意识形态程朱理学的关系耐人寻味。从学术脉络看,清代今文经学家与程朱理学的关系前后有较大变动。庄存与、刘逢禄、宋翔凤等主今文而不废理学,兼尊意味甚浓。龚自珍、魏源长于经世,不满于理学现状,但不一味否定。戴望、王闿运、廖平则对程朱理学表现出明确的反叛倾向。康有为出入理学,援西学注《四书》,力图扬弃与改造程朱理学。今文经学家对程朱理学的看法,从求复义理之常到言义理之变,一定程度上折射了他们在政治思想上从谋求变法到变道的历程,既说明程朱理学渐失人心,又显示出儒家传统内部蕴含自改革的活力。     

Christian Democracy without Romance: The Perils of Religious Politics from a Public Choice Perspective

Christian Democracy is often championed as a romantic means of bringing ethical considerations for the common good into the daily life of politics. Public choice theory, on the other hand, reveals that the search for the common good is quixotic amidst divergent policy preferences within a nation. While there may be a handful of values that are accepted by nearly all citizens (e.g., prohibitions on murder), more mundane policy choices will likely promote differences of opinion. Given the often arbitrary nature of voting procedures, the ability of one faction to manipulate the vote choice, and the self-interested behavior of politicians to be re-elected, political parties will inevitably alienate some portion of the citizenry. Attaching Christianity to short-term political outcomes serves to undermine its long-term goal of promoting God's mission. Nonetheless, the Catholic concept of subsidiarity is congruent with many of the findings of public choice theory and offers a way for Christians to engage in public life without tainting themselves in the political partisan arena of political partisanship.     

北宋时期的西京洛阳

宋代洛阳城已由原来的坊市分离制,嬗变成新的坊市合一制;由于水土气候方面的优越条件和历史、政治等原因,宋代洛阳园林之盛成为一大特色;宋代洛阳又是官僚麋集的城市,官僚集团中一些政见相同,利用会社组织,形成左右政局的政治力量。会社组织活跃,是其又一特色;宋代洛阳的经济远不如它在政治、园林方面的地位重要,但与开封之外的其他城市相比,亦属较为发达,是一个典型的消费城市。     

Nairn's England and the progressive dilemma: reappraising Tom Nairn on English nationalism

In British political and intellectual circles, there is a longstanding disagreement between those envisaging an opportunity for the development of a radical English patriotism and those resistant to the idea of a progressive English imaginary. Despite their antithetical quality, both divergent frameworks were explored in the work of Scottish nationalist and New Left intellectual Tom Nairn, long before mainstream social science preoccupied itself with the ‘English Question’. Notwithstanding his later espousal of Englishness as a contribution to democratic renewal, Nairn's earlier notion of an inherently regressive nationalism remains the dominant frame for many intellectuals and politicians confronted by the challenges of increasingly politicised English identities. Whilst he has been only one of a number of thinkers and writers who have informed and contested political thinking on this question in the UK, the influence of his early work upon liberal and left circles has been underestimated, an oversight that this article addresses.     

On Women's Reason,Education and Love: Women and Men of the Enlightenment in Spain and France

This article is an exploration of the ways in which Enlightenment discourse constructed the sentimental and intellectual ‘nature’ of women and of the ways cultivated women could situate themselves within this context. They were able to produce a discourse which shared Enlightenment arguments but also displayed a vital and intellectual distance from restrictive definitions of femininity. The lives and writings of three eighteenth-century French and Spanish women, Mme d'Épinay, Josefa Amar y Borbón and Inés Joyes y Blake are taken as case-studies. Their participation in the cultural debate of their time and their agreements and disagree-ments with intellectuals and politicians such as Rousseau, Thomas and Cabarrús are examined. The terms of the debate on gender were established in two different national contexts, particularly in regard to the thorny issue of the politics of love and feelings: the similarities and differences between France and Spain are discussed.     

Alternative identity,alternative religion? Neo‐paganism and the Aryan myth in contemporary Russia

ABSTRACT. As in all post‐Soviet states, the Russian intelligentsia has been preoccupied with the construction of a new national identity since the beginning of the 1990s. Although the place of Orthodox religion in Russia is well documented, the subject of neo‐paganism and its consequent assertion of an Aryan identity for Russians remains little known. Yet specialists observing the political and intellectual life of contemporary Russia have begun to notice that the development of references to ‘Slavic paganism’ and to Russia's ‘Aryan’ origin can be found in the public speeches of some politicians and intellectual figures. This article will attempt, in its first section, to depict the historical depth of these movements by examining the existence of neo‐pagan and/or Aryan referents in Soviet culture, and focusing on how these discourses developed in different spheres of post‐Soviet Russian society, such as those of religion, historiography, and politics.