近代以来德国贵族政治特权的延续及其原因

进入近代社会以后,当英、法等国的贵族及其特权在资产阶级革命中遭到沉重打击和被摧毁时,德国贵族却仍然长期把持国家政权,占据着行政、外交和军事领域的关键职位.造成德国贵族政治特权长期延续的原因主要在于:首先,它与德国政治现代化的独特道路有关,贵族阶级采取了适时而进的"防御性"政治策略.其次,德国贵族在近代历史进程中取得了突出的成就.贵族在经济上资产阶级化和资产阶级在政治上贵族化成为贵族阶级在近代社会中维持其政治统治的经济和社会基础.此外,文化观念和文化传统等文化因素在保持贵族政治特权方面也有一定作用.     

论近代初期英国新贵族与社会阶级的关系

对于英国资产阶级马克思所给予的评价是“被钳夹在贵族阶级和工人阶级之间的”,^（1）由此可见英国贵族给予英国近代政治以十分深刻的影响,所以研究英国的近代政治制度必然要关注贵族阶级。有关阶级史的研究中,经常出现有关英国的新贵族问题,史学界对英国的新贵族的理解还未尽一致。鉴于此,本文准备对新贵族作一些分析,并对新贵族与各阶层的关系发表一些肤浅的看法。     

论近代初期英国新贵族与社会阶级的关系

对于英国资产阶级马克思所给予的评价是"被钳夹在贵族阶级和工人阶级之间的",⑴由此可见英国贵族给予英国近代政治以十分深刻的影响,所以研究英国的近代政治制度必然要关注贵族阶级。有关阶级史的研究中,经常出现有关英国的新贵族问题,史学界对英国的新贵族的理解还未尽一致。鉴于此,本文准备对新贵族作一些分析,并对新贵族与各阶层的关系发表一些肤浅的看法。     

论近代初期英国新贵族与社会阶级的关系

对于英国资产阶级马克思所给予的评价是“被钳夹在贵族阶级和工人阶级之间的”,^（1）由此可见英国贵族给予英国近代政治以十分深刻的影响,所以研究英国的近代政治制度必然要关注贵族阶级。有关阶级史的研究中,经常出现有关英国的新贵族问题,史学界对英国的新贵族的理解还未尽一致。鉴于此,本文准备对新贵族作一些分析,并对新贵族与各阶层的关系发表一些肤浅的看法。     

英国贵族阶级属性和等级制的演变

在一千多年的历史中 ,就阶级属性而言 ,英国先后出现了原始部落军事贵族、封建贵族、资本主义土地贵族、工商业资产阶级贵族和中产阶级“工党贵族”;而贵族等级制和名号的变化则主要有五次 :先后在盎格鲁 -撒克逊时期、诺曼征服之后、1 4— 1 5世纪、1 7世纪初和 1 958年。     

光荣革命中阶级妥协问题复议

一关于1688年政变的性质,我国史学界早有定论。绝大多数有关著作指出:它是一场阶级妥协而不是革命。既然是阶级妥协,就要牵涉到是哪些阶级实行妥协的问题。对此,歧义常见,且颇为微妙。一种意见认为,1688年政变是资产阶级、新贵族和封建贵族联合发动的,自然是资产阶级和封建阶级之间的妥协。如王荣堂、姜德昌两位先生主编的《世界近代史》中指出:詹姆士二世的种种行动“不仅引起了资产阶级和新贵族的极端反对,而且封建僧侣和土地贵族也深为不满。……从而使托利党和辉格党联合起来,共同反对詹姆士二世”。再一种意见认为,这场政变使资产阶级和新贵族达成了妥协。如严钟奎先生写道:“经过斯图亚特王朝的复辟和1688年的政     

近代早期英国贵族的富裕程度分析

近代早期英国贵族的富裕程度是英国贵族研究中的一个重要问题。以往的研究存在不足和偏颇之处。本文认为 ,近代早期英国贵族的经济状况呈下降趋势的观点值得商榷。这一时期 ,英国贵族的收入形式多样化 ,收入水平提高 ,消费能力和消费水平也大大超过以往 ,虽然乡绅和工商业者的经济地位不断提高 ,但在工业革命前 ,尚无人能够企及贵族的富裕程度。     

英国近代贵族大地产论略

近代英国经济的特征之一是贵族大地产的兴盛。从17世纪晚期至19世纪中期,为数不多的贵族始终占有相当份额的地产。甚至就整个欧洲而言,英国贵族大地产的规模和影响也格外突出。英国贵族地产大多是采用资本主义方式经营的,它在一定时期内适应着英国的生产力发展。英国近代贵族阶级长期占有大量地产,既有历史原因,也有社会政治因素;属于封建主义残余的贵族财产等级制和长子继承制,对维护贵族阶级大地产制也起着重要作用。     

论岩仓具视从封建贵族到资产阶级改革家的演变

岩仓具视是日本倒幕维新运动中改革派公卿的著名领袖。岩仓所代表的政治势力同下级武士改革派结成了牢固的政治联盟。他们活跃在朝廷与倒幕阵营之间,巧妙地维系着朝廷与倒幕阵营的政治联系,起到了任何阶层都不能代替的历史作用。 对于这样一个从封建贵族分化出来的资产阶级改革家,史家们持有不同的评论。有的强调岩仓的保守性,有的又夸大其进步性。本文拟通过岩仓从封建贵族演变为资产阶级政治家过程的     

评《资产阶级与辛亥革命》

林增平教授的《资产阶级与辛亥革命》一书终于在1991年8月由湖南出版社出版了。该书收集了作者多年来在近代中国资产阶级与辛亥革命方面的文章29篇(其中绝大多数是论文),共三十二万余字。这是作者奉献给史学界的最后一部近代史专著。 该书基本上分成五部份。第一部分共12篇文章,关于近代中国资产阶级的研究;第二部分共三篇文章,关于辛亥革命时期会党     

The evolution of the Chinese Communist Party's policy on the bourgeoisie (1949–1952)

From its very beginning, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) had a shifting policy towards the bourgeoisie. Until the early 1940s, it maintained a relatively stable policy which successfully isolated the monied classes in China and helped it overthrow the rule of the KMT. But with the establishment of the new regime, the CCP Central Committee came under conflicting pressures: on the one hand it continued its former policy out of political expediency; on the other hand, based on traditional socialist political theory and Soviet experience, it kept a close watch on the bourgeoisie and even proposed targeting them as the chief enemy of next revolution. After the establishment of the PRC, as a result of the failing economy and the new government's lack of economic support and political experience, the CCP firmed up its policies on the bourgeoisie. However, with the bourgeoisie and capitalism still prominent elements in Chinese society, the communists became uncertain about which direction to take. As the CCP Central Committee had anticipated, officials of both the party and the government often gave way to corruption after taking over major cities. The Central Committee regarded this particular combination of money and power as a “violent attack” against the new communist regime by the bourgeoisie as a whole. In order to tighten its grip on national power, the Central Committee launched two anti‐corruption movements known as the Three‐Antis and the Five‐Antis. These movements were in fact aimed at the bourgeoisie as a whole, and succeeded in destroying the basis for capitalist business in the New China. Encouraged by this outcome, the CCP launched a policy of socialist transformation aimed at depriving Chinese capitalists of their means of production. Thus the CCP gradually and inevitably moved away from its original policy of cooperation with the national bourgeoisie.     

Soulless Cities: Ann Arbor, the Cutting Edge of Discipline: Postfordism, Postmodernism, and the New Bourgeoisie

Ann Arbor, Michigan's success as a postindustrial city reflects the massive shift toward knowledge-based economies and the ascendancy of a new bourgeoisie class of corporate and university knowledge brokers. Aside from high-tech commodities, however, the city and its attendant "aristocracy of innovators" must also produce the cultural narratives to legitimize and rationalize a new capitalism. This article explores how Ann Arbor's elite creates new stories that both inscribe the physical and social landscape with their triumph and act as weapons in the ongoing struggle to solidify a hegemonic project.     

Whig Party Fortunes in the Yorkshire County Election of 1708

Abstract

The impact of State intervention in rural education was not to supplant the role of the aristocracy and gentry in providing schooling for those who lived on their estates. Rather it brought about a partnership between evolving State policy on the one hand and continuing propertied paternalism on the other. This article argues that the point of conjunction in the partnership occurred through the acquisition of government grants that were, throughout the period, linked to evolving conditionality. The responsibility for obtaining and maintaining school grants expanded the roles of landowners, as they became school managers as well as benefactors. Through the use of school logbooks these dual roles will be illustrated to show the complex relationship that some landowners in Northumberland had with their village schools which primarily focused on fulfilling the criteria for gaining government finance.     

The minor rural aristocracy and great lords in thirteenth-century Tuscany: three cases from the entourage of the Guidi counts

This article examines relations in thirteenth-century Tuscany between the minor rural aristocracy and great rural lords, that is, those based outside cities. The subject is approached through a study based on three families, with special emphasis on the way they were bound to the extended family of the Guidi counts, who were prominent at the highest level in the thirteenth-century kingdom of Italy. In the thirteenth century, attendance on the counts was not attractive to families of the minor aristocracy: it was universally acknowledged that the great rural lords of Tuscany had little to offer their adherents in terms of wealth, power and prestige, incentives which could be obtained from the cities of the region. Minor aristocrats who chose to live as professional soldiers were particularly attracted to the cities, which were always in need of soldiers for their armies.     

The minor rural aristocracy and great lords in thirteenth-century Tuscany: three cases from the entourage of the Guidi counts

This article examines relations in thirteenth-century Tuscany between the minor rural aristocracy and great rural lords, that is, those based outside cities. The subject is approached through a study based on three families, with special emphasis on the way they were bound to the extended family of the Guidi counts, who were prominent at the highest level in the thirteenth-century kingdom of Italy. In the thirteenth century, attendance on the counts was not attractive to families of the minor aristocracy: it was universally acknowledged that the great rural lords of Tuscany had little to offer their adherents in terms of wealth, power and prestige, incentives which could be obtained from the cities of the region. Minor aristocrats who chose to live as professional soldiers were particularly attracted to the cities, which were always in need of soldiers for their armies.     

Several issues influencing the course of German history

The course of German history is very sinuous. German nationalism, the imbalance of the political and economic development generated by the influence of the historical and cultural traditions, the might of the Junker feudal aristocracy, the weakness of the bourgeoisie, the postwar reeducation of democratization imposed by the western allied powers on Germany, the developed education and technology, etc. are all important factors that influenced Germany’s history. __________ Translated from: Wuhan Daxue Xuebao, Renwen Kexue Ban 武汉大学学报: 人文科学版 (Wuhan University Journal, Humanity Science), No. 3, 2004     

论德国现代化中容克领导权的确立

17—18世纪,普鲁士在容克地主的支持下因不断革新而迅速发展和壮大。19世纪上半期,普鲁士主流派容克积极适应资本主义发展要求,推动了普鲁士国家和容克自身的资产阶级化。通过领导和推动德意志的政治统一,容克和普鲁士最终确立了在德意志现代化进程中的领导地位。普鲁士容克不断顺应历史潮流,在相当长时期内和相当程度上实际扮演了资产阶级的角色,起到了德国资产阶级未能发挥的作用。     

关于中国资产阶级的产生与形成

文章主要从马克思主义的历史唯物论和中国近代的历史事实论证了中国资产阶级是和工人阶级同时产生的,以及资产阶级的形成过程.文章首先从历史唯物主义理论论证了工人阶级和资产阶级是同一对矛盾中的对立统一关系,是从小生产者的分化中同时产生的,不分先后.接着从中国历史事实指出:中国最早的工人阶级虽然受雇于外国资本家,但不是由外国资本家直接雇佣的,而是通过中国买办雇佣并由买办直接管理的,买办与外国资本家结合在一起,对中国工人实施剥削.因此中国买办就是资产阶级,故与工人阶级同时期产生.文章最后阐述了资产阶级的成长壮大过程:1869年以后一些地主、官僚、富商投资民营企业和洋务派的民用企业,使资产阶级队伍有所壮大.随着戊戌维新的开展和辛亥革命派的形成,标志着资产阶级上层和中下层已相继觉醒,登上政治舞台,逐步成为自为的阶级.     

British Diplomacy,Propaganda, and War Strategy and the Hungarian-Romanian Dispute over Transylvania in 1939–40

Abstract

Between 1914 and 1935, the cities of Vienna and Pressburg/Bratislava were linked by an electric railway known as the Pressburgerbahn. More than just a line of transportation, the railway became intertwined with the complex politics of identity in Pressburg. The Pressburgerbahn presented nationalists in the Habsburg Empire with a dilemma: it had the potential to contribute to the unification of the nation, but at the same time was transnational by definition. This paradox generated a heated controversy about the Pressburgerbahn between Magyar nationalists and the predominantly German-speaking Pressburg bourgeoisie. Using biologized rhetoric, Hungarian politicians and journalists portrayed their nation as a body politic that was disfigured by having a railway ‘vein’ cross the border into Austria, in particular from such a peripheral location as Pressburg. By contrast, the discourse of the German-speaking bourgeoisie was firmly anchored in an imperial, supra-ethnic landscape. This controversy was replayed following the incorporation of the renamed city of Bratislava into Czechoslovakia in 1919: the Prague-based Ministry of Railways employed the rhetoric of the railway as an integrating structure within the body politic, while the eventual closure of the Pressburgerbahn in 1935 was closely connected to the belated nationalization of Bratislava. The railway to Vienna thus became a symbol of the liminal status of the town as a whole, in terms of nation, geography, politics and culture.     

International Celebrities and Irish Identity in the United States and Beyond, 1840–1860

This article uses Antonio Gramsci's theory of cultural hegemony to analyze how a relatively small Irish-American bourgeoisie legitimated its authority over the broader Irish ethnic community during the antebellum era. As part of the massive wave of immigrants that left Ireland during and after the Great Famine of the mid-1840s, the Irish Catholic middle class was saddled with a dually marginal status. On the one hand, its members maintained only tenuous authority over the hundreds of thousands of peasants and laborers that made up the bulk of the Irish-American community. On the other hand, they were deeply distrusted by important elements of native American society that associated them with the supposed superstition, laziness, and violence of their lower-class fellow countrymen. The bourgeoisie responded by using the celebrity status of Irish political exiles to achieve the twin project of simultaneously obscuring intra-ethnic class tensions while proving its suitability for American domestic politics. Famous personalities and the editors who lauded them employed celebrity to consolidate their leadership status in America.