“国民外交”背景下的中苏建交谈判（1923-1924）

1923-1924年间,苏联派出副外交人民委员加拉罕为中俄两国恢复邦交进行谈判,双方最终订立了《中俄解决悬案大纲协定》等处理两国外交关系的系列文件,正式恢复了外交关系。加拉罕提出的以“中国人民”为外交对象的举措虽不符合国际外交谈判的正常程序,但恰符合当时中国各界民众要求参与外交的心理,在不同程度上得到了从激进到保守的各类中国人士的应和,使本来处境艰难的北京政府不得不在一种非常特殊的氛围下进行外交谈判。要了解这一谈判的动态过程,就需要回到当时的报刊资料之中,重建那一特定历史时期中国社会形成的特殊政治氛围,并考察这一氛围对外交谈判的影响。     

Britain and the Convention on the Future of Europe

If the reaction from the British Conservative Party and the right-wing press were to be believed, it would be easy to think that the constitutional treaty produced by the European Convention represented a failure for Britain. This article takes issues with such claims. It illustrates, by tracing British involvement within the Convention from its inception to the finalization of the draft treaty, that the British Government succeeded remarkably well in ensuring that the document reflected its major policy preferences.     

A New Diplomatic History and the Networks of Spanish Diplomacy in the Baroque Era

Diplomatic history has undergone profound alterations during the last century. According to the old model built by Mattingly in 1955, diplomatic history was the analysis of international and political relations within a national context. Subsequent studies analysed how diplomacy evolved towards a more institutionalised and professional scheme (established in eighteenth-century European diplomacy). However, was this conclusion an inevitable one for Early Modern and Baroque diplomacy? This essay intends to retrace the steps that have been taken towards a new history of diplomacy, by early-modern historians in general, and by Spanish historiography in particular, as well as to assess the idea that what made a difference for Spanish Baroque diplomacy was the extent of networks that allowed cultural transference, the capacity to influence others, rather than the institutional extent of connections and practices. Which people or processes promoted the circulation of ideas, information, and culture, within and outside the Spanish monarchy, during the seventeenth century? This question will form the focus of the second part of this essay, in which the author analyses several specific cases of Spanish ambassadors in Europe: their networks of communication, their building of stereotypes, their informal diplomatic practices, and their use of ceremonial practices.     

Neither confirm nor deny: WikiLeaks evidence and the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations in the judicial review of the Chagos Marine Protected Area (Respond to this article at http://www.therai.org.uk/at/debate)

The Chagos Islanders have faced various legal barriers in their campaign for the right of return to the Chagos Archipelago. Here, Laura Jeffery presents one more twist in this long winding road, namely how the courts regard WikiLeaks evidence revealing how British politicians hatched plans to turn these islands into a nature reserve, thus effectively maintaining the status quo of the existing no‐return policy.     

基辛格外交思想的历史、哲学基础

基辛格的外交思想从道德和宗教的束缚中解脱出来,以经验事实审时度势,在深一层次上强化了外交思想中的现实主义。基辛格的外交思想从历史与哲学的理念出发,以现实主义实力论、地缘政治学和势力均衡观来通观审视,力求构建一种美国主导下稳定的世界秩序——“美国治下的和平”。基辛格的外交实践在某种程度上打破了时空的界限,反映出他作为一个外交家的机智与魄力。作为一个外交思想家,基辛格以宏阔的理论视野和丰富的个人阅历化合成为对历史和现实深邃的洞察和敏悟,具有很强的理论性和实践性。     

战后初期伊瓦特的亚洲协调政策与澳亚外交经贸关系的发展

H.V.伊瓦特从1941年10月至1949年12月出任澳大利亚外务部长.战后初期澳大利亚的外交活动主要是由伊瓦特所开创的,特别是他提出的新亚洲政策--协调政策,极力主张扩展与亚洲的外交联系,积极发展经贸关系,密切关注亚洲事务,寻求在与西方相互信任和互惠基础上加强亚澳地区合作,增进相互理解.伊瓦特的新亚洲协调政策在调整、改善和发展战后澳亚关系方面产生了重大影响,取得了不少积极成果,促进了澳大利亚与亚洲国家外交和经贸关系的发展,并在一定程度上影响了20世纪五六十年代及其以后的澳大利亚外交.     

The United Kingdom and the Negotiation of the 1969 New York Convention on Special Missions

During 1968–9, members of the United Nations, meeting in the Legal Committee of the General Assembly, negotiated a Convention on Special Missions, sometimes known as the New York Convention, setting out the privileges and immunities of ad hoc embassies between states. The negotiation was part of a process through which the UN sought to clarify the status and rights of official representatives, so that diplomacy could function with security and certainty. This article looks at the role of one leading power, the United Kingdom, in the talks. It explores how British interests were defined, the tactics used to secure them and how London came to terms with pressure from other states to redefine its approach. The focus is on the overall political thrust of the British negotiating position, as formulated mainly by the Foreign Office, rather than the detailed talks on such thorny issues as tax avoidance and diplomatic property. The article shows that, while London was keen to see a codification of diplomatic law, cold-war considerations made it less than enthusiastic about an upsurge in the number of special missions that the New York Convention might encourage.     

中国对日邦交正常化战略的历史评析

通过对20世纪50～70年代初中国对外战略的历史考察,可以发现中国对日邦交正常化战略发挥了关键作用。中国政府在防止日本军国主义复活原则的基础上,首倡"以民促官"及"官民并举"的基本方针,提出正确对待历史问题并放弃战争赔偿,并采取"先美后日、以美促日"的外交战略于1972年实现了中日邦交正常化,取得了继中美发表《上海公报》后的又一外交胜利。虽然中国对日邦交正常化战略在实施过程中历经曲折,但它兼具现实性和灵活性,体现了以"和谐"为核心的政治文化,在中国外交史上占有重要地位。     

Land, Kinship Relations and the Rise of Enclosed Settlement in First Millenium B.C. Britain

Enclosed settlements are characteristic of the first millennium B.C. in Britain, contrasting with the predominantly open settlements of the fourth to second millennia. Settlement enclosures have recently been interpreted in symbolic terms, the enclosure marking social divisions between social groups. Anthropological studies indicate that divisions between groups may be more clearly marked in societies which use land intensively than in ones which use it extensively, because of the need to prevent valuable land from passing outside the group by out-marriage and inheritance. The earlier first millennium B.C. was a period of agricultural intensification in Britain. It is suggested that settlement enclosure became widespread at this time because agricultural intensification led to land becoming more valued as a form of property. This in turn led to changes in kinship relations, with the division between 'insiders' and 'outsiders' becoming more significant than before. Apparently 'special' deposits of material in enclosure ditches have been interpreted as a way of reinforcing such a division.     

试析美苏建交的历史背景及原因

1929-1933年世界性经济危机使美苏关系发生了深刻变化.身受经济危机困扰的美国迫切需要将苏联作为重要的商品销售市场和原料供应地.伴随着经济危机的加深,日德法西斯势力开始了疯狂的侵略扩张活动,严重影响了美苏自身的安全和世界和平.在不断变化的国际政治现实面前,奉行现实主义外交政策的罗斯福总统终于打开了与苏联建立外交关系的大门.     

The Architects of Integration: Research,Public Policy,and the Institute of Race Relations in Post-imperial Britain

ABSTRACT

This article traces the evolution of the field of race relations by exploring the thinking of Philip Mason, a former agent of the Indian Civil Service who built a second career as the elder statesman of this emerging discipline in Britain. Mason led the well-funded Institute of Race Relations, an independent organisation that brought together academics, public policy analysts, and journalists to address concerns about the integration of black and Asian migrants in Britain from the 1950s. Mason brought his imperial expertise to bear on the new discipline, and imagined the new subject in light of a wide range of shifting international concerns: imperial race relations, the decline of the British Empire, the Cold War, and the persistence of racially-divided states like South Africa and the United States. To address these anxieties, race relations experts suggested that race relations studies should be comparative across several different imperial and post-colonial locales, building towards a master project that would provide suggestions on mollifying racial tensions across the globe. Using the United States as a key referent, Mason and others ushered in a transitional era, moving the discipline from a paternalistic and superior approach to formerly colonised subjects to articulations of liberal inclusion and cultural integration. Tracing the life of the Institute, and Mason's influence on policy and subsequent anti-racist organisations, reveals how the early assumptions of the field positioned Britain's integration problem as temporary, indeterminate, and aided by the imperial, post-imperial, and transatlantic similarities they examined.     

维也纳体制的稳定及其瓦解

维也纳体制是 1 9世纪欧洲和平得以维系的基本条件 ;维也纳体制及其均势结构持续存在的基础在于欧洲对世界的统治。 1 9世纪末 2 0世纪初 ,整个世界一系列变数的冲击最终导致维也纳体制不可避免地走向瓦解。