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上海“马克思主义研究会”,是继北京“马克思学说研究会”之后,在我国最早出现的研究马克思主义的革命团体之一,在中国共产党的创建过程中占有重要的位置。在我国各地早期党组织成立以前,除北京“马克思学说研究会”,上海“马克思主义研究会”外,其他各地也都曾成立过类似的组织。武汉称“马克思学说研究会”,广州称“马克思主义研究会”,济南称“马克思学说研究会”,长沙称“俄罗斯研究会”。这些“研究会”,对于扩大马克思主义的传播和准备党的成立产生过很大的影响,为建党作了 相似文献
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在中国共产党和中国共产主义青年团的历史上.俞秀松是一个无法抹去的重要人物。早在1920年4月,俞秀松和陈望道一起参加了马克思学说研究会,后成为上海共产主义小组的发起人之一,成为中国共产党的创始人之一。同年8月,俞秀松受陈独秀委托,筹建了中国最早的青年团组织——上海社会主义青年团,并担任书记. 相似文献
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1919年5月5日北京《晨报》副刊在李大钊指导下开辟“马克思研究”专栏。5月《新青年》六卷五号编成“马克思研究”专号(实际出版时间在9月),李大钊发表《我的马克思主义观》(分两期刊完),对马克思主义的基本内容作了比较全面、系统的介绍,称其为“世界改造原动的学说”。在此以前,1918 相似文献
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Cheng Hu 《Frontiers of History in China》2011,6(2):243
This paper focuses on the Shanghai Moral Welfare Committee (renamed the Shanghai Moral Welfare League in 1920), which was founded on May 16, 1918, following a decision made by seventeen foreign religious and secular charities of the Shanghai International Settlement. In 1919–24, the Municipal Council of the Shanghai International Settlement declared a five-year timeframe for gradually shutting down all the brothels under its administration. The few previous studies of this topic by European and American scholars mainly concentrated on the aspect of venereal disease prevention and the prohibition of prostitution, as well as the construction of gender, but they paid little attention to the Moral Welfare Committee as a primary advocate of this reform. As such, this event has been misrepresented as yet another story about the modernization and spiritual salvation of Chinese society by Western municipal authorities and moral reformers. However, the Committee, created by foreign moral reformers in Shanghai, was primarily focused on white males with venereal diseases and white prostitutes, in order to reestablish an image of the Western Christian countries as civilized in Chinese eyes. Underlying this effort was a strong sense—among foreign communities in China at that time—of superiority over Chinese society in both civilization and morality. However, this arrogance was rife with insecurities; foreign reformers lacked necessary confidence in their civilized image and in their capacity to set themselves up as a model for the moral discipline and salvation of the Chinese people. 相似文献
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Cheng Hu 《Frontiers of History in China》2011,6(2):243-263
This paper focuses on the Shanghai Moral Welfare Committee (renamed the Shanghai Moral Welfare League in 1920), which was
founded on May 16, 1918, following a decision made by seventeen foreign religious and secular charities of the Shanghai International
Settlement. In 1919–24, the Municipal Council of the Shanghai International Settlement declared a five-year timeframe for
gradually shutting down all the brothels under its administration. The few previous studies of this topic by European and
American scholars mainly concentrated on the aspect of venereal disease prevention and the prohibition of prostitution, as
well as the construction of gender, but they paid little attention to the Moral Welfare Committee as a primary advocate of
this reform. As such, this event has been misrepresented as yet another story about the modernization and spiritual salvation
of Chinese society by Western municipal authorities and moral reformers. However, the Committee, created by foreign moral
reformers in Shanghai, was primarily focused on white males with venereal diseases and white prostitutes, in order to reestablish
an image of the Western Christian countries as civilized in Chinese eyes. Underlying this effort was a strong sense—among
foreign communities in China at that time—of superiority over Chinese society in both civilization and morality. However,
this arrogance was rife with insecurities; foreign reformers lacked necessary confidence in their civilized image and in their
capacity to set themselves up as a model for the moral discipline and salvation of the Chinese people. 相似文献
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Models of masculinity: sex education,the United States Public Health Service,and the YMCA, 1919-1924
Lord AM 《Journal of the history of medicine and allied sciences》2003,58(2):123-152
In 1918, the U.S. Public Health Service (PHS) told American parents that "it is no longer possible for you to choose whether your child will learn about sex or not." According to the PHS, most American boys learned about sex from "improper sources" by the age of nine. The "unfortunate effect of these early impressions" had, PHS warned, not only resulted in a gross misunderstanding of sex, but also been a major factor in the spread of venereal disease (The Parents' Part [the U.S. Public Health Service, 1918], p. 5). To counter and correct this miseducation, PHS joined with the Young Men's Christian Association (YMCA) to create a sex education program aimed at adolescent boys. Officially launched in the spring of 1919, the "Keeping Fit" campaign provides a unique insight into the federal government's attempt to medicalize and regulate American sexuality through the forum of public health. 相似文献
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Václav Šmidrkal 《European Review of History》2016,23(4):623-642
This article deals with the relationship between the democratic transformations in Czechoslovakia after 1918 and 1989 and the armed forces. The democratic ideal of transformation seemed to be alien to the military institution, which upheld the old regime and paradigmatically represented undemocratic patterns of governance. In order to accommodate the popular demand to ‘abolish’ the army, the new political elite strived to initiate an institutional transformation that would re-legitimize the armed forces. Whereas after 1918 the military improved its reputation by changing into a ‘school of nation’, after 1989 the military, expected to become fully professional, went through a period in which its inner organisational culture was liberalized and personal freedoms of the soldiers were strengthened. The decline of previous authorities and the rise of civic self-confidence connected to the process of democratisation also led to the demoralisation of the soldiers. The liminal phase of military transformation was marked by the experience of the first ‘post-war war’, the Czechoslovak-Hungarian War in 1919 and the Gulf War in 1991, which indicated the needs of the new security environment and gave the idealistic thinking about the democratic military a touch of reality. 相似文献
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Agustín Coletes Blanco 《Journal of Modern Italian Studies》2016,21(2):206-219
In 1919 the British historian G. M. Trevelyan complained about the ‘not very large stock of English literature on Italy’s part in the war’ that had just ended, a phenomenon he attributed to ‘the mutual ignorance of the English-speaking and Italian peoples’. Nearly a hundred years later the situation seems to be no better. Secondary sources as there are devote only passing mention (if any) to the war stories that were put together by British and American writers who visited, served or worked as volunteers in the Italian front between 1915 and 1918. This article intends to give some details about the Italian front writing of these committed individuals, whose praiseworthy contribution to the war effort was, indeed, fighting the above-mentioned ignorance. 相似文献
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After four years of occupation, Belgium emerged ruined at the end of the Great War. The King returned from Yser, leading the army and acclaimed by the population. In contrast, the government and the exiles came back discreetly and the absence of the dead was felt strongly. Part of the population felt itself to be the victim of the occupation and sought revenge: shop windows were broken and houses sacked, men were molested and women's heads shaven. Manufacturers who had closed their businesses sought the severe repression of those who had pursued their activities. Journalists who had stopped writing called for harsh treatment of the newspapers that submitted to German censorship. A fraction of the population stigmatised those who profited from the occupation and demanded justice. In 1918, Belgium was already confronted with problems that most European countries only discovered at the end of the Second World War. How does one move on from a war of occupation? How does one reconstruct a state weakened by occupation? How does one handle collective vengeance and respond to calls for justice? This article will study successively the wave of ‘popular’ violence accompanying the country's liberation in November and December 1918 and the state's answer through the judiciary repression of collaboration with the enemy conducted between 1919 and 1921, mainly by military and civil tribunals. 相似文献
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Matthew Smallman–Raynor Niall Johnson & Andrew D. Cliff 《Transactions (Institute of British Geographers : 1965)》2002,27(4):452-470
From uncertain origins in the spring of 1918, an apparently new variant of influenza A virus spread around the world as three distinct diffusion waves, infecting half a billion and probably killing around 40 million people. This paper examines the spatial structure of influenza transmission during the ten–month course of the epidemic in England and Wales, June 1918–April 1919, using the weekly counts of influenza deaths in London and the county boroughs as collated by the General Register Office, London. In addition, a particular case study of the borough of Cambridge is presented. From mid–1916, Cambridge contained, as well as its undergraduate population, a large naval contingent billeted in both the colleges and the town. It therefore affords the opportunity of studying the effect of the epidemic in contiguous groups with widely differing demographic characteristics. Through the application of a range of statistical methods (average lags, correlations and regressions), it is shown that the three waves that comprised the pandemic had fundamentally different spatial and temporal characteristics. The first, moving through a population that was a virgin soil to the new virus strain, was explosive in its north to south progress across the country. The second wave was somewhat slower in its rate of diffusion and displayed a south to north drift. Finally, the third wave reverted more closely to the form of the first. The spread of all three waves, however, was underpinned by a clearly defined process of spatial contagion. The Cambridge study showed the special characteristics of this pandemic in terms of the ages of those attacked: high rates were experienced across the age spectrum, a feature also seen internationally. 相似文献
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陈独秀与上海社会联系密切。上海是他认识半殖民地半封建社会的窗口。他的革命生涯从上海开始,一生主要时光在上海度过,革命生涯最辉煌的业绩在上海实现。他对上海社会有着比较深刻的研究和十分复杂的感情,总体上说还是一分为二的。近代上海造就了陈独秀的崇高声望,陈独秀也给上海留下丰富的思想文化遗产。今天的上海已经成为中国经济发展、社会进步、文化先进、教育发达的中心城市,其作为全国思想文化中心的地位,无疑是从新文化运动的发起开始确立的。 相似文献
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亚细亚生产方式是马克思主义历史学的重大理论问题之一,也是马克思社会形态学说的重要组成部分。关于这一理论概念内涵的理解,大体可以分为五形态体系内说和五形态体系外说。五形态体系内说的原始社会说,更切合马克思社会形态学说史的实际。亚细亚的原始所有制以及由此构成的亚细亚生产方式,是东西方都曾经历过的人类社会的早期阶段。中国原始聚落共同体所有制,是亚细亚的所有制的最古老形式之一。从中国原始聚落形态的角度研究中国文明起源的路径,更切合马克思关于生存方式决定文明起源路径的思想,也印证了亚细亚生产方式为原始社会说。 相似文献
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从现代化的角度看,中国共产党能够领导中国人民夺取全国胜利,主要有三个相互联系方面的原因:1.把对社会结构的彻底改造任务与争取国家独立和领土完整的任务有机地结合起来,从而最终实现了现代化政治领导权力的转变;2.能够按照其制定的彻底改造社会结构的纲领和路线,脚踏实地地深人到农村变革中去,从而为进一步在整体上推动中国社会转型和现代化奠定了牢固的社会基础;3.把传统(民族性)和现代性有机地融为一体,从而为中国的现代化提供坚强的精神支柱。这说明,建立新民主主义社会,进而走社会主义现代化道路,是中国人民符合世界历史和中国社会发展规律的选择,也是在理论上和实践上对马克思主义现代化理论的丰富和发展。 相似文献