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1.
上海“马克思主义研究会”,是继北京“马克思学说研究会”之后,在我国最早出现的研究马克思主义的革命团体之一,在中国共产党的创建过程中占有重要的位置。在我国各地早期党组织成立以前,除北京“马克思学说研究会”,上海“马克思主义研究会”外,其他各地也都曾成立过类似的组织。武汉称“马克思学说研究会”,广州称“马克思主义研究会”,济南称“马克思学说研究会”,长沙称“俄罗斯研究会”。这些“研究会”,对于扩大马克思主义的传播和准备党的成立产生过很大的影响,为建党作了  相似文献   

2.
于吉楠 《百年潮》2013,(1):46-49
蔡元培是清末翰林院编修,1905年加入同盟会,成为反清的民主主义革命者;民国成立后任教育总长,是著名的教育家;曾留学德国莱比锡大学,在学术界很有声望,1917年出任北京大学校长。罗章龙是1918年入校的北京大学文学院学生,后加入马克思学说研究会和北京共产党早期组织并担任中共北大党组织的负责人。罗章龙和蔡元培的社会地位不同,思想信仰和政治主张也互不相同,然而在北京大学  相似文献   

3.
正黄日葵是我国早期的马克思主义者,北京大学"马克思学说研究会"19位发起人之一,中国"五四"爱国革命运动的发动者之一,中国共产党建党初期党员,也是广西籍的第一位中国共产党党员。黄日葵(1899—1930),生于广西省桂平县城厢镇五甲街兴隆坊(现桂平市西山镇县府街)一个书香世家。1916年7月,黄日葵在桂平县立中学毕业,10月东渡日本留学。1918年,在日本留学期间,黄日葵参加了中国留日学生举行的  相似文献   

4.
《百年潮》2020,(5)
正在马克思主义传播史上,北京大学马克思学说研究会是中国成立最早、影响最深远的团体。为挽救灾难深重的中华民族,中国先进分子曾长期追随西方文明,直到十月革命一声炮响,特别是五四运动后,越来越多志士仁人寄希望于马克思主义。在这个过程中,李大钊作为系统传播马克思主义第一人,不仅身体力行大力宣传马克思主义,更富有远见地指导一批北大学子发起成立马克思学说研究会,有组织有规模地研究和宣传马克思主义,培养  相似文献   

5.
《神州》2006,(Z1)
方志敏,原名远镇。1899年8月21日生于江西省弋阳县一个农民家庭。1919年,进南昌江西省第一甲种工业学校读书。后考入九江伟烈大学。他用心研读《共产党宣言》和《资本论》,组织“读书会”、“马克思学说研究会”,积极传播马列主义和社会主义思想。1922年在上海加入中国社会主义  相似文献   

6.
刘晓霞 《文史月刊》2005,(10):33-38
在中国共产党和中国共产主义青年团的历史上.俞秀松是一个无法抹去的重要人物。早在1920年4月,俞秀松和陈望道一起参加了马克思学说研究会,后成为上海共产主义小组的发起人之一,成为中国共产党的创始人之一。同年8月,俞秀松受陈独秀委托,筹建了中国最早的青年团组织——上海社会主义青年团,并担任书记.  相似文献   

7.
正中国共产党早期组织共有58名成员(党员),邓中夏、李启汉名列其中。他俩是老乡,是朋友,是郎舅,更是在工人运动中最亲密的战友和为革命捐躯的英烈。工运先锋邓中夏,1894年出生于湖南宜章太平里乡邓家湾村一个清末举人家庭。1917年考入北京大学,在李大钊的指导下,邓中夏等于1920年3月发起成立中国第一个马克思主义研究团体——马克思学说研究会,10月参加北京的早期共产党组织。  相似文献   

8.
中国民俗学运动,自1918年初刘半农在北京大学发起成立北大歌谣征集处到现在,已有76年的历史了。中华人民共和国成立以前,顾颉刚,钟敬文等先后在广州、杭州等地,成立过中山大学民俗学会、杭州中国民俗学会等数十个大小民俗学组织,进行过民族民俗调查,出版过《民俗周刊》和民俗学书籍,取得了不小的成绩,但活动主要是在北京及东南沿海地区;新中国成立后,中国民俗学运动取得了长足的进展,活动遍及全国,西藏民俗学活动的  相似文献   

9.
1919年5月5日北京《晨报》副刊在李大钊指导下开辟“马克思研究”专栏。5月《新青年》六卷五号编成“马克思研究”专号(实际出版时间在9月),李大钊发表《我的马克思主义观》(分两期刊完),对马克思主义的基本内容作了比较全面、系统的介绍,称其为“世界改造原动的学说”。在此以前,1918  相似文献   

10.
正张太雷,1898年6月出生于江苏常州。1915年考入天津北洋大学法科学习。1919年五四爱国运动爆发,张太雷积极投身其中,成为天津地区爱国运动的骨干之一。在斗争中,张太雷与李大钊建立了联系,同时与天津爱国运动的领导者周恩来、于方舟等结下了革命友谊。在李大钊影响下,张太雷开始接触和信仰马克思主义,并参加了李大钊组织的北京大学马克思学说研究会,协助李大钊开展创建中国共产党的工作。1920年10月,张太雷和邓中  相似文献   

11.
This paper focuses on the Shanghai Moral Welfare Committee (renamed the Shanghai Moral Welfare League in 1920), which was founded on May 16, 1918, following a decision made by seventeen foreign religious and secular charities of the Shanghai International Settlement. In 1919–24, the Municipal Council of the Shanghai International Settlement declared a five-year timeframe for gradually shutting down all the brothels under its administration. The few previous studies of this topic by European and American scholars mainly concentrated on the aspect of venereal disease prevention and the prohibition of prostitution, as well as the construction of gender, but they paid little attention to the Moral Welfare Committee as a primary advocate of this reform. As such, this event has been misrepresented as yet another story about the modernization and spiritual salvation of Chinese society by Western municipal authorities and moral reformers. However, the Committee, created by foreign moral reformers in Shanghai, was primarily focused on white males with venereal diseases and white prostitutes, in order to reestablish an image of the Western Christian countries as civilized in Chinese eyes. Underlying this effort was a strong sense—among foreign communities in China at that time—of superiority over Chinese society in both civilization and morality. However, this arrogance was rife with insecurities; foreign reformers lacked necessary confidence in their civilized image and in their capacity to set themselves up as a model for the moral discipline and salvation of the Chinese people.  相似文献   

12.
This paper focuses on the Shanghai Moral Welfare Committee (renamed the Shanghai Moral Welfare League in 1920), which was founded on May 16, 1918, following a decision made by seventeen foreign religious and secular charities of the Shanghai International Settlement. In 1919–24, the Municipal Council of the Shanghai International Settlement declared a five-year timeframe for gradually shutting down all the brothels under its administration. The few previous studies of this topic by European and American scholars mainly concentrated on the aspect of venereal disease prevention and the prohibition of prostitution, as well as the construction of gender, but they paid little attention to the Moral Welfare Committee as a primary advocate of this reform. As such, this event has been misrepresented as yet another story about the modernization and spiritual salvation of Chinese society by Western municipal authorities and moral reformers. However, the Committee, created by foreign moral reformers in Shanghai, was primarily focused on white males with venereal diseases and white prostitutes, in order to reestablish an image of the Western Christian countries as civilized in Chinese eyes. Underlying this effort was a strong sense—among foreign communities in China at that time—of superiority over Chinese society in both civilization and morality. However, this arrogance was rife with insecurities; foreign reformers lacked necessary confidence in their civilized image and in their capacity to set themselves up as a model for the moral discipline and salvation of the Chinese people.  相似文献   

13.
In 1918, the U.S. Public Health Service (PHS) told American parents that "it is no longer possible for you to choose whether your child will learn about sex or not." According to the PHS, most American boys learned about sex from "improper sources" by the age of nine. The "unfortunate effect of these early impressions" had, PHS warned, not only resulted in a gross misunderstanding of sex, but also been a major factor in the spread of venereal disease (The Parents' Part [the U.S. Public Health Service, 1918], p. 5). To counter and correct this miseducation, PHS joined with the Young Men's Christian Association (YMCA) to create a sex education program aimed at adolescent boys. Officially launched in the spring of 1919, the "Keeping Fit" campaign provides a unique insight into the federal government's attempt to medicalize and regulate American sexuality through the forum of public health.  相似文献   

14.
This article deals with the relationship between the democratic transformations in Czechoslovakia after 1918 and 1989 and the armed forces. The democratic ideal of transformation seemed to be alien to the military institution, which upheld the old regime and paradigmatically represented undemocratic patterns of governance. In order to accommodate the popular demand to ‘abolish’ the army, the new political elite strived to initiate an institutional transformation that would re-legitimize the armed forces. Whereas after 1918 the military improved its reputation by changing into a ‘school of nation’, after 1989 the military, expected to become fully professional, went through a period in which its inner organisational culture was liberalized and personal freedoms of the soldiers were strengthened. The decline of previous authorities and the rise of civic self-confidence connected to the process of democratisation also led to the demoralisation of the soldiers. The liminal phase of military transformation was marked by the experience of the first ‘post-war war’, the Czechoslovak-Hungarian War in 1919 and the Gulf War in 1991, which indicated the needs of the new security environment and gave the idealistic thinking about the democratic military a touch of reality.  相似文献   

15.
In 1919 the British historian G. M. Trevelyan complained about the ‘not very large stock of English literature on Italy’s part in the war’ that had just ended, a phenomenon he attributed to ‘the mutual ignorance of the English-speaking and Italian peoples’. Nearly a hundred years later the situation seems to be no better. Secondary sources as there are devote only passing mention (if any) to the war stories that were put together by British and American writers who visited, served or worked as volunteers in the Italian front between 1915 and 1918. This article intends to give some details about the Italian front writing of these committed individuals, whose praiseworthy contribution to the war effort was, indeed, fighting the above-mentioned ignorance.  相似文献   

16.
After four years of occupation, Belgium emerged ruined at the end of the Great War. The King returned from Yser, leading the army and acclaimed by the population. In contrast, the government and the exiles came back discreetly and the absence of the dead was felt strongly. Part of the population felt itself to be the victim of the occupation and sought revenge: shop windows were broken and houses sacked, men were molested and women's heads shaven. Manufacturers who had closed their businesses sought the severe repression of those who had pursued their activities. Journalists who had stopped writing called for harsh treatment of the newspapers that submitted to German censorship. A fraction of the population stigmatised those who profited from the occupation and demanded justice. In 1918, Belgium was already confronted with problems that most European countries only discovered at the end of the Second World War. How does one move on from a war of occupation? How does one reconstruct a state weakened by occupation? How does one handle collective vengeance and respond to calls for justice? This article will study successively the wave of ‘popular’ violence accompanying the country's liberation in November and December 1918 and the state's answer through the judiciary repression of collaboration with the enemy conducted between 1919 and 1921, mainly by military and civil tribunals.  相似文献   

17.
From uncertain origins in the spring of 1918, an apparently new variant of influenza A virus spread around the world as three distinct diffusion waves, infecting half a billion and probably killing around 40 million people. This paper examines the spatial structure of influenza transmission during the ten–month course of the epidemic in England and Wales, June 1918–April 1919, using the weekly counts of influenza deaths in London and the county boroughs as collated by the General Register Office, London. In addition, a particular case study of the borough of Cambridge is presented. From mid–1916, Cambridge contained, as well as its undergraduate population, a large naval contingent billeted in both the colleges and the town. It therefore affords the opportunity of studying the effect of the epidemic in contiguous groups with widely differing demographic characteristics. Through the application of a range of statistical methods (average lags, correlations and regressions), it is shown that the three waves that comprised the pandemic had fundamentally different spatial and temporal characteristics. The first, moving through a population that was a virgin soil to the new virus strain, was explosive in its north to south progress across the country. The second wave was somewhat slower in its rate of diffusion and displayed a south to north drift. Finally, the third wave reverted more closely to the form of the first. The spread of all three waves, however, was underpinned by a clearly defined process of spatial contagion. The Cambridge study showed the special characteristics of this pandemic in terms of the ages of those attacked: high rates were experienced across the age spectrum, a feature also seen internationally.  相似文献   

18.
徐光寿 《安徽史学》2003,(6):93-96,74
陈独秀与上海社会联系密切。上海是他认识半殖民地半封建社会的窗口。他的革命生涯从上海开始,一生主要时光在上海度过,革命生涯最辉煌的业绩在上海实现。他对上海社会有着比较深刻的研究和十分复杂的感情,总体上说还是一分为二的。近代上海造就了陈独秀的崇高声望,陈独秀也给上海留下丰富的思想文化遗产。今天的上海已经成为中国经济发展、社会进步、文化先进、教育发达的中心城市,其作为全国思想文化中心的地位,无疑是从新文化运动的发起开始确立的。  相似文献   

19.
亚细亚生产方式是马克思主义历史学的重大理论问题之一,也是马克思社会形态学说的重要组成部分。关于这一理论概念内涵的理解,大体可以分为五形态体系内说和五形态体系外说。五形态体系内说的原始社会说,更切合马克思社会形态学说史的实际。亚细亚的原始所有制以及由此构成的亚细亚生产方式,是东西方都曾经历过的人类社会的早期阶段。中国原始聚落共同体所有制,是亚细亚的所有制的最古老形式之一。从中国原始聚落形态的角度研究中国文明起源的路径,更切合马克思关于生存方式决定文明起源路径的思想,也印证了亚细亚生产方式为原始社会说。  相似文献   

20.
叶险明 《史学月刊》2001,20(4):16-25
从现代化的角度看,中国共产党能够领导中国人民夺取全国胜利,主要有三个相互联系方面的原因:1.把对社会结构的彻底改造任务与争取国家独立和领土完整的任务有机地结合起来,从而最终实现了现代化政治领导权力的转变;2.能够按照其制定的彻底改造社会结构的纲领和路线,脚踏实地地深人到农村变革中去,从而为进一步在整体上推动中国社会转型和现代化奠定了牢固的社会基础;3.把传统(民族性)和现代性有机地融为一体,从而为中国的现代化提供坚强的精神支柱。这说明,建立新民主主义社会,进而走社会主义现代化道路,是中国人民符合世界历史和中国社会发展规律的选择,也是在理论上和实践上对马克思主义现代化理论的丰富和发展。  相似文献   

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