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两战间的日本法西斯主义及其对外扩张理论 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
两次世界大战之间的二三十年代,法西斯主义在日本兴起。法西斯主义不仅改变了日本的社会政治,更提出了一系列扩张理论,强化了近代军国主义确立以来的对外侵略政策,为发动第二次世界大战从多方面作了社会动员与理论准备。由近代军国主义体制的制约,新兴法西斯主义可以区分为民间(即不穿军装的)法西斯与军队法西斯两大类别。借对外战争实现其大陆侵略政策,同时反击民主派势力,这是军部法西斯与民间法西斯势力的主要契合点。日本法西斯扩张理论的基本特点在于,为论证对外战争的必要性,最大限度动员民众投入战争,它们遍及思想文化各领域,花样繁多、内容庞杂。既有对于传统武士道、日本主义、天皇中心论等思想的兼收并蓄,更主要是一批现代法西斯理论家、活动家针对时局提出各种论述,以及军部各决策机构制定策案纲要所确认的指导思想,表述形式五花八门,极富于诡辩性、多样性、独特性、应用性与丰富性。 相似文献
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From Control to Terror: German Prostitution Policies in Eastern and Western European Territories during both World Wars
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In both World Wars, the German armies enacted a prostitution policy in all the occupied territories of Western and Eastern Europe. Through a comparative study, this article uses archival research in Poland, France, Belgium and Germany as well as existing studies in five languages to examine the continuities and discontinuities in German prostitution policies between the Western and the Eastern territories during both wars. In exploring the question of continuity, we consider the interaction of local authorities with occupation forces and how prostitution policies in Western and Eastern countries differed from the German ‘home front’. Strong continuities existed between the First and Second World War, including a severe backlash against the abolitionist trend in Europe and the extension of regulatory controls beyond the prostitutes to include other ‘suspect’ women, often justified by concerns over the spread of venereal diseases and public morality and health. Despite these continuities, prostitution policies were even more regressive during the Second World War, with the racial ideology of Nazism as the main trigger for the brutalisation of prostitution policies. German authorities pushed the system to greater extremes, overseeing its evolution from control to terror. 相似文献
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This article is a study of the British monarchy's reaction towhat it saw as a republican threat at the end of the First WorldWar. It challenges the widely received view that the most importantrepublican moment in modern British history was in the early1870s. Written from previously unused material in the RoyalArchives, it chronicles the emergence of Palace worries aboutthe rise of militant socialism, which the royal family equatedwith republicanism; and it illuminates the tactics designedby the King and his advisers to take the republican edge offthe labour movement and to deal with the immediate social andeconomic crisis. Lord Esher summed up Palace policy in the phrasethe "democratization" of the monarchy. In practice,this meant expanding the royal family's social and charitablepurposes to ensure the Crown's survival. The policy would havean enduring influence on royal thinking and behaviour.
1 This article was written for the Visiting Fellows' Colloquium,All Souls College, Oxford. It expands a line of argument thatwas put more tentatively and with far less documentation inChapter 6 of my book Royal Bounty: The Making of a Welfare Monarchy(London, 1995). By gracious permission of Her Majesty the Queen,I have been able to make use of material from the Royal Archivesat Windsor. 相似文献
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44.实业部致铁道部等咨稿(1932年10月4日)实业部咨为咨清事.案查美国一几_二_二年举行芝加哥百年进步纪念世界博览会,前经本部呈奉行政院提出国务会议决议参加,复经拟订参加芝加哥博览会筹备委员会章程及办事细则呈准公布,照章在沪组织委员会筹备进行,并将上项章程及细则咨达查照各在案. 相似文献
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宣称战争因某种道德理想而展开是一次大战的显特征,国际法、平民权益特别是妇女儿童权益保护就成了区分和衡量战争正义合法与否的标尺。英德关于非人道作战方式的合法性争执凸显出国际法存在的严重缺失及其在宣传战中作用的有限性,而侵害最易成为战争受难的妇女儿童权利便成了宣传战中最能调动舆论情绪、最易产生宣传效果的主题,这也是英国适时将宣传战主题从德国违反国际法切换到德军大规模强暴妇女儿童上来的主要原因。 相似文献
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德日两个法西斯国家都有着军国主义和扩张的历史传统,都属于第一次世界大战的“不满意”的国家,要求用武力改变现状和重新瓜分世界。但是,它们在经济上又都比较脆弱,在军事上也不够强大,谁都没有能力单独发动世界性的战争,因此联合是实现它们扩张野心的捷径。 相似文献
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Mona L. Siegel 《Gender & history》2016,28(3):641-659
This article examines international collaboration between Western and Chinese feminists in the interwar decades. Focusing on the 1927–28 ‘mission to Asia’ sponsored by the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF), the article shows that, contrary to what existing historiography would lead us to suspect, neither feminist Orientalism nor colonial nationalism stood as a serious impediment to the formation of a truly international feminist alliance. Instead, European and Chinese women's varying experiences and memories of international conflict, and their varying understandings of the relationship between feminism, pacifism, militarism and political violence, defined the limits of global feminist collaboration in the late 1920s. The WILPF delegates, like many European women in the 1920s, were living in the shadow of the First World War, a conflict they condemned as futile and barbaric; their Chinese ‘sisters’ were living in the midst of a battle to determine the political future of their nation. For both sets of women, the question of women's emancipation was fundamentally entwined with broader national and international struggles. This article incorporates reports, personal letters and diaries of WILPF delegates as well as articles, speeches and letters by Chinese women to offer new insights into one of the earliest efforts to build a truly international women's movement and draw our attention to the centrality of warfare in defining the limits of global feminist collaboration in the twentieth century. 相似文献
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《Eurasian Geography and Economics》2013,54(4):437-471
A team of political geographers analyzes over 5,000 violent events collected from media reports for the Afghanistan and Pakistan conflicts during 2008 and 2009. The violent events are geocoded to precise locations and the authors employ an exploratory spatial data analysis approach to examine the recent dynamics of the wars. By mapping the violence and examining its temporal dimensions, the authors explain its diffusion from traditional foci along the border between the two countries. While violence is still overwhelmingly concentrated in the Pashtun regions in both countries, recent policy shifts by the American and Pakistani governments in the conduct of the war are reflected in a sizeable increase in overall violence and its geographic spread to key cities. The authors identify and map the clusters (hotspots) of conflict where the violence is significantly higher than expected and examine their shifts over the two-year period. Special attention is paid to the targeting strategy of drone missile strikes and the increase in their number and geographic extent by the Obama administration. 相似文献