《思溪藏》刊刻事项汇考

关于《思溪藏》的刊刻事项,包括刊刻时间、刊刻地点、主要主持者等等,仍有许多被学者广泛接受的观点存在讹误。本文将证明思溪圆觉禅院并非《思溪圆觉藏》的雕刊地,而首任主持怀深虽然列名刊记之中,但对经藏的雕刊工程几无贡献,真正的劝缘者是净梵和尚。《思溪圆觉藏》的开雕时间应当在大观四年(1110)之前,完工于绍兴二年(1132)四月,前后历时二十馀年。《湖州思溪圆觉禅院新雕大藏经律论等目录》即为《思溪藏》最初的入藏目录,元伟不仅是此目录的编集者,也是圆觉禅院实际的建立者。而《思溪资福藏》是一个伪命题,资福禅寺从未参与过《思溪藏》的补板与增刻。     

乾隆版满文《大藏经》刊刻述略

清代,乾隆皇帝视满文《大藏经》的刊刻与《四库全书》的纂修、“十全武功”之记述为同样重大之事,译刻满文《大藏经》在佛教译经史乃至清代文化史上占有重要地位。本文以相关的档案与实物资料为依据,对满文《大藏经》刊刻的起因、年代、刷印部数及佛经中的插图版画、经卷装潢作了简要的论述。工程浩大的满文《大藏经》从翻译到雕版印刷、经函的装潢,无一不代表了清代书籍的最高水平。     

名家写版考述

就现存的中国古代典籍而言,雕版印刷方式占居绝大多数.雕版印刷一般经过写工写板、刊工雕版、印工印刷、表褙工装潢等环节.写工负责原稿写样,写样敷于版面后刻工负责根据版样刻字;印工负责敷墨刷印;表褙工又叫做装潢匠,负责书籍的装订.有些书的刊刻是集写、刻、印等工序由一人完成,有的是分工各司其职,合作完成.在刻书业兴盛的宋代,往往在书中留有或繁或简的刻工姓名,刻工姓名大都在刻书版面中缝的下方.刻工姓名除表示一定的责任之外,在当时可能仅为统计工作量以便发放报酬的依据.但由于刻工的工作有一定的时间性和地域性,为后人考查一部书籍刻印地区或刻印时间,进而进行版本考定及研究提供了线索.而刻板前的重要环节写板的信息在书中记载却极为少见.     

黄丕烈士礼居藏宋本 《尔雅疏》存亡问题琐议

《尔雅》为我国第一部有系统的训诂书。自汉迄于宋,研究《尔雅》最有成就的著作当推晋郭璞的《尔雅注》和宋邢昺的《尔雅疏》。北宋以前,经注与经疏的雕版皆分别单行刊刻,而到南宋始合注疏为一书,《尔雅》正如此。王应麟《玉海》云咸平四年（1001）九月,邢昺上《孝经》、《论语》、《尔雅》正义诸书,十月九日命杭州镂板,是应为《尔雅》单疏本的刊刻之始。 《中国版刻图录》中收录宋刻宋、元、明初递修公文纸印《尔雅》单疏本图版一幅。并附说明曰:“传世《尔雅》单疏宋刻本有三帙。1、黄氏士礼居藏本。阮元《十三经注疏校勘记》即用此本,     

符山堂刻本《音学五书》版本问题考释

一、符山堂本《五书》版本特点及其差异 符山堂本《音学五书》(下简称《五书》),由当时著名刻书家张弨校刻.顾衍生《元谱》:"(康熙六年)开雕《音学五书》于淮上,张力臣弨父子任校写之役."①     

《古今书刻》续考

<正>作为现存第一部以刊刻地和刊刻者为线索编排图籍的中国古代目录学著作,明人周弘祖所著《古今书刻》一书在文献学研究方面有着独特的价值和作用。《文献》杂志2007年第4期曾刊发《〈古今书刻〉版本考》一文,对《古今书刻》存世版本进行了考察,梳理出该书叶德辉诸本(以下简称"叶本")和明黄嘉善校刻本(以下简称"黄本")两大存世版本系统,考察了两种系统版本在内容上的重大差异,罗列68家211种叶本脱漏之图籍。但限于篇幅,文章仅     

佳木雕万象 方寸见众生

<正>莆田木雕是在福建省莆田市境内生产的木雕艺术品的统称，造型优美，工艺精湛，尤以立体圆雕、精微细雕、三重透雕等传统工艺闻名于世。莆田木雕历史悠久，唐代已经开始采用莆田木雕装饰建筑，还用于佛像和刻书。到了明代，莆田出现了较多擅长佛像和装饰雕刻的艺人，清代的莆田木雕艺术有了进一步的发展，北京故宫博物院收藏的多件清代莆田木雕贴金桌灯及果盒贡品，均呈现从简单浮雕到多重透雕的迭代递进的雕艺创新。     

宋代浙江的刻书业（下）

民间刻书主要指私宅、家塾刻书与书坊刻书。宋代,浙江私宅刻书不及书坊刻书之盛,但亦有几家在我国刻书史上颇具声名。张秀民先生在《中国印刷史》中提到北宋淳化年间(990-994)杭州陆氏万卷堂尝刻《史记》,宝元二年(1029),临安进士孟淇刊刻姚铉《唐粹》一百卷。     

甘肃武威发现北凉“临松令印”

1982年武威市文物管理委员会征收文物,发现铜印一枚,现藏武威市博物馆。该印铜质,重50克,正方形,边长2厘米。带纽,鼻纽(图一)。印面刻“临松令印”(图二)白文。据《晋书·地理志》“凉州”条及《甘州府志》卷四载,临松为郡县名,郡、县设在临松山下的南古城(今甘肃民乐县),在甘州(今张掖)“城南一百里,前凉张天锡置临松郡,北凉改临松县。”据史籍记载,从前凉王张天锡(363～376年)在此置临松郡,北凉沮渠蒙逊(401～432年),在此改置临松县,前后约40余年。后凉(386～403年)是否设有临松县,史书无载。又据《宋书·氐胡传》载,北凉王沮     

清代内府铜版画刊刻述略

在中国古代版画艺苑中,清代内府刊刻的铜板画,镌刻之精细、刷印装璜之考究、内容之丰富、保存之完整在中国及世界版画史中占有重要地位,由于清内府刊刻的铜版画属奉赐制品,印刷数量有限多为宫廷园囿陈设物品,外界流传较少整套作品鲜为一见。而且各种书目如清内府编辑《萝图荟萃》、《石渠宝笈续编》、民国年间故宫编辑的《故宫善本书目》、《故宫普通书目》近年出版的《清代内府刻书目录解题》、《台湾故宫善本书目》及其它类目录,对清内府刊刻的铜版画品种数量等著录都不尽详。有些作品未见著录。有关研究印刷史、绘画史、版画史论及铜板画时     

浅议王祯《造活字印书法》“界行”与明清活字“行格界线”

"界行",也称"行格界线",是版本学研究的问题之一。一般认为,"界行"是古籍中与文字相随、间隔字行的细黑线条。近代,西洋活字印刷技术逐渐取代了传统的版刻、活字技术,洋装书取代了线装书,"界行"也随之从书本上消失。过去认为,王祯《造活字印书法》(简称《印书法》)中的"界行",就是明清活字印本上的"行格界线"。近期,笔者重新审视西夏文佛经《本续》,对将其定为木活字印本的主要依据是"隔行竹片印痕"的认识有所领悟:《造活字印书法》中的"界行",与能显示在印本上的明清活字本"行格界线"不同,它是不能显示在印本上的。本文从三个方面对王祯《印书法》"界行"进行了论证:1.它与明清"行格界线"概念不同;2.它与明清"行格界线"性质不同;3.它与金简《程式》"套格"不同。     

旅游目的地系统空间结构耦合与优化研究——以福建省为例

本文采用分形理论、GIS空间分析技术及数理统计方法,对福建省旅游目的地子系统(旅游吸引物系统、旅游城镇系统、旅游交通系统)空间结构对的耦合关系进行判断分析,揭示福建省旅游目的地子系统空间分布的集聚程度以及相互作用的内在特征,最后提出构建福建省南北两大旅游目的地子系统;完善旅游城镇与旅游景区空间匹配;加快旅游景区与旅游交通系统协调建设以及重视区域旅游流集散枢纽建设等优化建议。     

灵泉寺北齐娄睿《华严经碑》研究

目次序言一刻经碑的内容二刻经碑的镌刻年代三刻经碑与灵裕的护法思想四娄睿与大留圣窟五结语序言河南安阳宝山灵泉寺是北朝隋唐时期邺城地区著名的佛教寺院,原称宝山寺,东魏武定四(546年)由地论师道凭所创建〔1〕。北齐时,东安王娄睿成为该寺施主,并出巨资,由道凭弟著名高僧灵裕重加营构。隋开皇十一年(591年),隋文帝出资助营山寺,御赐寺额曰"灵     

Chancellors,Presidents and Speakers: Presiding Officers in the Scottish Parliament before the Restoration*

As a unicameral assembly for most of its history, the Scottish parliament was presided over by the chief officer of state, the chancellor. Before 1603, he presided in the presence of the monarch, who was an active participant in parliaments, in contrast to the custom in England. After the union of the crowns, the chancellor presided in the presence of the monarch's representative, the king's commissioner. As with the Speaker and the lord chancellor in the English parliament, it was customary for him to operate as an agent of the crown. He also presided over the drafting committee, the lords of the articles. During parliamentary sessions, there were also semi-formal deliberative meetings of the individual estates (prelates, nobles, burgesses and, from 1592, ‘barons’, that is, lairds sitting as commissioners of the shires), each presided over by one of their own number. The Covenanting revolution of 1638 led to radical procedural reform. This included replacing the chancellor with an elected ‘president’ (Latin preses), chosen by the membership at the beginning of each session. With separate meetings of the estates becoming a formal part of parliament's procedures, there was an elected president for each estate, sometimes referred to as ‘Speakers’ for they would speak for their estates in plenary sessions of parliament.     

唐《韦曙墓志》考释校补

韦曙是唐代宰相韦执谊之子,墓志由其弟韦昶撰写,提供了韦执谊家族及其诸子情况的珍贵资料。结合《韦曙墓志》与传世史料考证可知,韦执谊家族对于光大门楣有着强烈之渴望。其长子韦曙,三十六岁始登科入仕,由州郡幕僚至左拾遗、尚书省郎官、尚书右丞、京兆少尹、太常少卿,历常州、郑州、苏州、福州、广州等地刺史、节度,终官岭南节度使兼广州刺史。韦曙兄弟六人,至韦曙去世时,唯韦昶与韦绚在世。昶与绚为兄弟二人,可破历来以绚为昶改名之说。     

Technological, elemental and colorimetric analysis of an engraved ochre fragment from the Middle Stone Age levels of Klasies River Cave 1, South Africa

It is generally accepted that abstract and iconographic representations are reflections of symbolic material culture. Here we describe a fragmented ocherous pebble bearing a sequence of sub-parallel linear incisions. These were produced by a lithic point and may represent one of the oldest instances of a deliberate engraving. The object was recovered from Middle Stone Age II levels of Klasies River Cave 1, South Africa, and is dated to between 100,000 and 85,000 years ago. Microscopic analysis reveals that the surface of the object was ground until smooth before being engraved with a sequence of sub-parallel lines made by single and multiple strokes. X-ray fluorescence and colorimetric analysis of the object and a sample of twelve additional ochre pieces from the same level reveals that the brown colour and Manganese-rich composition renders the engraved piece distinct. This suggests that a particular type of raw material may have been selected for engraving purposes. Although the purpose of marking this object remains uncertain, its detailed analysis adds relevant information to previously published occurrences of Middle Stone Age engraved objects and contributes to clarify their distribution through time and space.     

‘Resemblances to archaeological finds’: Guido Boggiani,Claude Lévi-Strauss and Caduveo body painting

In 1942, Claude Lévi-Strauss published an article on Caduveo body painting in the first number of the surrealist magazine VVV, with the editorial assistance of André Breton and cover by Max Ernst. In the article, Lévi-Strauss uses the photographs of the Caduveo women taken during his fieldtrip in 1935–36, together with drawings of facial designs collected to reflect on their ‘strong originality’, which ‘evokes a very ancient culture, and one full of preciosities’. Amongst these illustrations, there is an engraving taken from Guido Boggiani’s book, I Caduvei, published in 1895. Boggiani, an Italian landscape painter who visited South America in 1887–93, was captivated by the Caduveo graphic art, which he sketched in detail. In 1896 he returned, travelling to Paraguay, this time equipped with a new tool to help his ethnographic research: a photographic camera. Over a period of five years, Boggiani completed more than 400 photographs on glass gelatin plates of various sizes. For Lévi-Strauss, as for Boggiani, the originality of the Caduveo graphic art remained enigmatic, evoking a very ancient culture; it was a topic to which he would return in several of his most influential works. In this article, I focus on the visual images (engraved, drawn, photographed and filmed) that depict the body painting of the Caduveo people in central Brazil by Boggiani and Lévi-Strauss in order to explore the ways in which they enabled an ephemeral art – delicate arabesques painted on skin – to be studied as archaeological vestiges. In the process, I trace the aesthetic sensibility of Boggiani and Lévi-Strauss that provided them with the imaginative tools to do so.     

‘Impressions of Weird Fate’: Revision and Crisis in ‘The Lady of Shalott’

Alfred Tennyson disliked the engraving of ‘The Lady of Shalott’ produced by William Holman Hunt for the 1857 Moxon edition of Tennyson’s Poems, accusing the artist of taking too many liberties in depicting the Lady’s hair and the threads of her weaving as ‘wildly tossing’ around her. This essay traces the histories of both Hunt’s image and Tennyson’s text, arguing that the poet’s objection is grounded in the fact the engraving reproduces the fierce agency that characterizes the Lady in Tennyson’s 1832 original but not his 1842 revision. That pattern of revision, I suggest, reflects the poet’s distress over the 1833 death of his beloved friend Arthur Hallam and is motivated by his new ways of thinking, in the wake of that catastrophe, about the crisis of desire and the perpetual trauma of communication between the living and the dead.     

Gendered spheres: theorizing space in the English printing house

The English printing house was initially conceived, legally, as a printing house, with public work taking place in a private setting. This private space emphasised the traditional hierarchies of political and legal order: Women’s work that took place within the printing house thus fell into the traditional role of household labours. This erasure of labour is one that foregrounds the erasure of women’s writing from history; women who worked in essence as publishers, as printers and booksellers, are very clearly present in the historical records but invisible in our narratives of book history. How did this erasure happen, and why is their presence, and work, overlooked? If we consider the language of space in theory and reread Moxon’s Mechanickal Exercises closely, we see the ways in which the ideas of space itself can be implicitly gendered, and how this might shape our idea of the printing house.     

流散欧美的良渚古玉

20世纪初,中国古物大量流散欧美,价格高、易携带的古玉尤为大宗。笔者于1979年-1980年曾旅行探访20余所博物馆,在各馆库房仔细研究玉器。到1990年代,再多次前往重要的馆藏从事专题研究。"良渚玉器上的刻画符号"就是当时我密切关注的专题之一。在本篇中,笔者除回顾百余年流散欧美的良渚古玉收藏及出版情况,介绍四件圆周有刻符的良渚玉璧外,也略论约16至20世纪仿赝良渚古玉的特征。