The Influence of Katharevousa on the Phonology of Modern Greek

Abstract

Much has been written on Greek diglossia and the language struggle (between katharevousa and dhimotiki ). Defenders of katharevousa have emphasized the importance of the language's roots in ancient Greek, opponents of katharevousa have emphasized the idea that the Greek language should be first and foremost ‘the language of the people’. More recently, the focus of the discussion has shifted to what constitutes ‘true’ dhimotiki and the extent to which certain katharevousa elements are acceptable to the modern language; see for instance G. Babiniotis, <inline-graphic href="splitsection5_in1.tif"/><inline-graphic href="splitsection5_in2.tif"/>(Athens 1979) and A Linguistic Approach to the ‘Language Question’ in Greece (BMGS 5, 1979), E. Kriaras' reactions to Babiniotis' views in his ‘<inline-graphic href="splitsection5_in3.tif"/><inline-graphic href="splitsection5_in4.tif"/>(Athens 1979) and Mesevrinos' H <inline-graphic href="splitsection5_in5.tif"/><inline-graphic href="splitsection5_in6.tif"/>(Nicosia 1973). All of these writers are more concerned with determining what should be considered correct or acceptable to the modern language than with analysing actual usage. In general, very little of the discussion is concerned with the spoken language. M. Setatos' article (<inline-graphic href="splitsection5_in7.tif"/><inline-graphic href="splitsection5_in8.tif"/>1973) is particularly interesting because it sets out to analyse the place of katharevousa in the modern language (both written and spoken) rather than arguing for or against katharevousa. Setatos has also written the most detailed analysis of modern Greek phonology (<inline-graphic href="splitsection5_in9.tif"/>, Athens 1974). Other interesting articles on katharevousa elements in the spoken language have been written by Philippaki-Warburton, Tsopanakis, and Petrounias. However, there has in fact been scarcely any empirical research on modern Greek phonology and the extent to which spoken Greek has been influenced by katharevousa. It is perhaps understandable, given the social and historical context, that there has been so much emphasis on theory; the priority has been establishing norms on an acceptable theoretical basis, in the midst of the confusion caused by diglossia, and the question ‘what is actual practice in spoken Greek now, at the end of the twentieth century?’ has had to wait.     

Tsinganos and Yiftos: Some Speculations on the Greek Gypsies

Abstract

In 1956 Manos Hadzidakis composed music for a movie entitled <inline-graphic href="splitsection9_in1.tif"/>‘Hurdy-Gurdy, Poverty and Self- Esteem’. While the film itself enjoyed a moderate success, one of the songs from it, <inline-graphic href="splitsection9_in2.tif"/>‘Carnation over the ear’, became enormously popular all over Greece.     

The Description of Agamemnon in Digenis Akrites

Abstract

At 7.85 in the Grottaferrata version, having described the biblical mosaics in the palace, the poet proceeds to juxtapose pictorial episodes from pagan poetry and history. The first line about Achilles' campaigns causes no trouble, but the second and third, <inline-graphic href="splitsection8_in1.tif"/><inline-graphic href="splitsection8_in2.tif"/>, have provoked much scholarly consternation and conflict.     

Literacy in the Byzantine World

Abstract

The historian Nicephorus Gregoras, writing of the Patriarch Athanasios I, dismisses him scathingly as <inline-graphic href="splitsection4_in1.tif"/><inline-graphic href="splitsection4_in2.tif"/>. Yet we know that Athanasius, who came from the countryside near Adrianople, was reading the Lives of Saints before the age of twelve. And his surviving writings—homilies, encyclicals, canonical decisions, letters, etc.—fill the 204 folios of codex Vaticanus graecus 2219. Most of these writings still await publication. But the recent edition by Mrs. Alice-Mary Talbot of 115 of Athanasios' letters shows that he wrote fluent literary Kaine Greek, without the archaizing affectations of Byzantine Atticism and with occasional voluntary or involuntary lapses into the spoken language of his time. He was no stylist: for him it was the matter, not the manner, that counted. He had little acquaintance with classical Greek literature. But in addition to the Scriptures, which he constantly quotes, he was familiar with the more widely read works of the fourth-century fathers, knew the basic texts of civil and canon law, and could quote the Epanagoge. Clearly he was no illiterate, but a professional user of the written word.     

The chronology of Rebetiko – a reconsideration of the evidence

Abstract

In this note I would like to discuss the problems presented to researchers by the almost complete lack of reliable information concerning the dates of pre-war rebetika recordings. It is unfortunately no exaggeration to say that with very few exceptions the published dates of older rebetika recordings are not to be trusted, and they have not been based on factual evidence. We are all of us familiar with the well-known reissues of older discs which as a rule never contain the slightest information about the original 78 recordings. A crass example is the series <inline-graphic href="splitsection11_in1.tif"/>whose six volumes do not furnish anything in the way of chronological or label information about the reissued records. There are, moreover, other reissues with more serious pretensions, but no less disappointing. For example the various reissues of the ‘Center for the Study of Rebetika’ where we are given extensive notes and illuminating discussions of musicological problems (at least on some of the early reissues) but not a word about the date, label, catalogue and master numbers of the original recordings. Even in the case of the best reissue so far of pre-war rebetika, Martin Schwartz's ‘Greek-Oriental’ (Folklyric 9033) the information provided in the extensive sleeve notes is not wholly satisfactory. The editor has given us the information found nowhere else on similar reissues, namely the original catalogue and masternumbers from which it should be possible to date the recordings. For instance, Schwartz notes that Charal. Panagis' recording <inline-graphic href="splitsection11_in2.tif"/>appeared originally on Greek Parlophone with the catalogue B 21751 and the masternumber 101476. He does not say, however, when he thinks the record was made, although he has all the information needed. From what we know of Parlophone catalogue numbers it seems certain that the record was issued in early 1934. On the same LP we also have Roza Eskenazi's <inline-graphic href="splitsection11_in3.tif"/>(Greek HMV AO 2147); nor in this case does Schwartz attempt to give a date, although it is plain that the record was issued in 1934.     

'[…;] all poetry is difficult […]: the limitations of Seferis' modernist poetics

Abstract

In Greece, as in several other countries in the period between the two World Wars, one of the serious charges frequently made against Modernism was that it was impossibly bad mannered towards the reader – that it made no effort at all to communicate and that modernist poetry was ‘difficult’ or ‘obscure’. For example, as early as 1931, Kostis Palamas – the poet who had had an enormous impact on Greek literary affairs in the first half of this century – in a charming if not somewhat condescending letter addressed to George Seferis, noted that the poems of <inline-graphic href="splitsection4_in1.tif"/>were ‘cryptographic’ and stated that he was personally unable to find the ‘key’ that was needed for deciphering such difficult poetry (Palamas 1931). A few years earlier, Seferis himself had noted in his journals that whenever he tried to read Valery's poems to Palamas and his circle, they had reacted by saying that they did not have time to solve ‘puzzles’ (1975: 62).     

Text as Song: The Oral Aspirations of Anghelos Sikelianos

Abstract

These statements were made by Sikelianos in a talk entitled 'O <inline-graphic href="splitsection11_in1.tif"/>which he delivered in 1938, and in which he postulates a historical progression from text to voice, rather than the reverse process. They are the statements of a literate poet writing in a literate age, but delighting, at the same time, in the ability of radio to ‘reassert the spell of orality’ (Havelock 1986: 31). They subvert the idea of literacy as progress and propose, in its place, an ideal of post-textual orality. The aim of this paper is to explore the relationship between such statements and the poetry of Sikelianos.     

Pachymeres on the ‘Amourioi’ of Kastamonu

Abstract

In a recent article Professor Cl. Cahen pointed out various problems resulting from the history of the region of Kastamonu, which on account of its remoteness from the political centres attracted little attention from the chroniclers. One of the problems is the incompatibility of the narratives of the oriental sources and the writings of the Byzantine historian George Pachymeres with respect to some events of the reign of the Seljuk Sultan Masud II: Pachymeres while referring to the history of Kastamonu produces a certain Ali Amourios, his brother Nasir ed-din <inline-graphic href="splitsection4_in1.tif"/>—a person of lesser importance—and their father, whom he also names Amourios. The same Amourios and his sons are also mentioned by Nikephoros Gregoras, who, however, passes over in silence the sons' names.     

Humour and Status Reversal in Greek Shadow Theatre

Abstract

Traditional plays of the Greek shadow theatre deal with the adventures of Karaghiozis, a poor Greek who is the embodiment of <inline-graphic href="splitsection7_in1.tif"/>(cunning, slyness). Plays of the comic type, and more specifically, plays in which Karaghiozis assumes a position requiring certain skills, have a standard narrative structure or plot which can be summarized as follows: A wealthy Turkish pasha or vizier, looking for a person to perform a job which requires certain skills, meets Hadziavatis, the subservient town crier, and asks for his help in finding such a person. Hadziavatis agrees at once, sets off, and invariably meets Karaghiozis, who, upon learning of the position the Turk is trying to fill, immediately claims to possess the prerequisite skills. With much humour and cleverness Karaghiozis convinces first Hadziavatis and then the Turk that he can in fact perform the job. Karaghiozis then appears on stage as the skilled person with the appropriate costume or equipment (cook's hat, doctor's bag, secretary's writing implements, etc.). He is transformed from a poor uneducated man of low status into a skilled educated man of high status. In that position he deceives several stock characters, such as Omorphonios, Dionysios and Stavrakas, until his deceit is finally exposed and he is chased off stage.     

Albert Einsteln as Seen by Artists

Abstract

To commemorate the 80th birthday on 9 December 1980 of Dr Joseph Needham – a Member of our Editorial Board – we are here publishing a somewhat condensed progress report of what has been rightly called ‘the greatest single act of historical synthesis and intercultural communication ever attempted by one man’. After describing its contents, Dr Needham gives a preliminary outline of his methodology, how he has quarried Chinese literature and iconography, how he has immersed himself in China's living tradition to interpret correctly her past and how he has mastered the often century-old technical terminology of Chinese science – only thus could he build his oecumenical university. He concludes here with the hope that this vast study, so felicitously begun, will continue ‘as limitless as is all history’.     

Nineteenth-Century London in William Godwin's Diary

The Leverhulme-funded editing of William Godwin's diary aims to ‘to construct a picture of London's literary and extra-parliamentary political life’, following the diary's ‘remarkably detailed map of radical intellectual and political life in the turbulent period of the 1790s’ <http://www.politics.ox.ac.uk/research/projects/godwin_diary/>. However, this map also extends far beyond the 1790s, with the diary's total span reaching from 1788 until Godwin's death in 1836. Critics and biographers have long assumed that Godwin's radical phase was over by 1800, and London to him was only ever a meeting point for free-floating, alienated intellectuals. By contrast, this paper presents new evidence showing his immersion in the material conditions and popular politics of nineteenth-century London. Following Godwin's movements in 1810 from his home and shop in Skinner Street, his perambulations around the city, and visits to dine with fellow radicals and publishers the article examines his immersion in the material conditions and popular politics of nineteenth-century London. It sees him campaigning against the abominable conditions in nearby Smithfield market; joining street protests to demand the release of Burdett from the Tower; and meeting Cobbett in Newgate. Godwin's circulations, recorded in his diary, bring to our attention the cross-fertilization between philosophic and popular radicalism and compel us to re-think the relationship between the conversations at private dinners and the protests in the streets in order to locate and better understand the nineteenth-century metropolitan critical public sphere.     

Gramsci and the issue of religion: Catholic modernism and the Italian Partito Popolare

ABSTRACT

Gramsci's interest in Italian politics led him to tackle a key issue in the present-day discourse: the relationship between the Holy See and the national State. Additionally, he paid close attention to internal issues of Christianity, from its origins to his own times and – similar to many other socialist thinkers – he believed that there were several echoes between the early Christian experiences and contemporary socialism. From this arose his concern with the religious crisis of the early twentieth century – so-called ‘Modernism’ – as well as the story of the Partito Popolare (Popular Party, PPI), the organization founded by the priest Luigi Sturzo after the First World War, which was marked – especially amongst its left-wing components – by its anti-fascist positions.     

The Metrical Structure of the Oral Decapentasyllable

Abstract

What Milman Parry saw as his ‘historical method’ in Homeric criticism has paradoxically relieved students of the Greek folk song from the obligation to approach their subject of study from an exclusively genetic or ‘etymological,’ – in a word, historical – viewpoint. Instead of having to search for – or rather to speculate about – the origins of Greek oral poetry in the mists of antiquity or to assess the extent to which a song can provide reliable historical evidence concerning past events, we are free to turn our attention, as scholars such as Roderick Beaton (1980) and Grigoris Sifakis (1988) have done, to a synchronic study of the folk-song tradition, concentrating as much on the rules that generate the songs as on the significance of actual samples collected in the field (or in the scholar's study or the recording studio).     

Ancient Greek Myth in Angelos Sikelianos

Abstract

In the introduction to Angelos Sikelianos: Selected Poems, the translators speak of Sikelianos's ‘mythological attitude … toward life’ and of his conception of myth not so much ‘as a rhetorical or metaphorical device but as a spontaneous creation of the human soul directed toward the revelation of a hidden spiritual life’, in short, of mythology as a kind of religion closely related to Schelling's perception of the function of myth. These remarks, written originally some years ago, may have their just proportion of truth, but in keeping with most introductory remarks, they strike me as rather too general, rather too undiscriminating when one brings them face to face with Sikelianos's practice at different moments of his career. I want to try to be more discriminating by considering the role of myth – specifically ancient Greek myth – in the poet's work both early and late in his career. I think it is a changing role, perhaps not in his fundamental association of gods with a contemporary landscape and his revelation of those mysteries that lie hidden in our everyday lives, but in the mode of this association and this revelation, and in the depth of their poetic significance.     

Book reviews

Abstract

On 29 April 1933 Cavafy died in Alexandria, the city in which he was born. There is some reason for satisfaction in this. Visitors to his apartment on the second floor of 10 Rue Lepsius knew how self-contained Cavafy's small and familiar world in Alexandria was. Rue Lepsius was home for the last twenty-six years of Cavafy's life: ‘Below, the brothel caters for the flesh. And there is the church [St. Savvas's] which forgives sin. And there is the hospital where we die.’ The first floor of 10 Rue Lepsius never catered to Cavafy's flesh, but the church forgave his sins, and he died in the hospital. He could have died in an hospital in Athens where he had gone the year before for treatment of cancer of the throat. He stayed there for a time at the Hûtel Cosmopolite, and from Kifissiá he found the sight of Hymettos and the mountains to the north ‘boring’. He returned home to die, ‘an Alexandrian of the Alexandrians’, an epitaph he very nearly composed for himself.     

The Greek Communist Party (KKE) and the Greek-Italian War, 1940–1: an Analysis of Zahariadis' Three Letters

Abstract

An analysis of the position of the Greek Communist Party (KKE) during the Greek-Italian war is interesting not only because it involves a hitherto unsolved puzzle – how and why the KKE's General Secretary, Nikos Zahariadis, wrote his ‘three letters’ – but also because, it involves background factors that help explain how the KKE emerged, during the occupation period, in possession of an invaluably useful ‘patriotic’ image. Such an image, obtained from Zahariadis' ‘first’ letter, undeniably facilitated the party's successful efforts to build up the country's largest liberation movement (EAM) and, through this movement, to come close to capturing power during the years 1943–4.     

A note on the death of Leo Sgurus in A.D. 1208

Abstract

Leo Sgurus, archon and ‘tyrant’ of Argolis and Corinthia from c.1200 with an impressive career in the period until c.1208, succeeded in establishing an extensive albeit short-lived Territorialstaat in the NE Peloponnesus following the Latin capture of Constantinople on 12/13 April 1204 and the subsequent Latin onslaught in Greek territories. Truly among the most outstanding figures of the late Byzantine era, Sgurus has been characterized by Dionysios A. Zakythenos as one of the last 'defenders of Greek independence’ following the Frankish conquest of 1204, for this local archon seems to have constituted the sale realistic hope of the mainland Greece populations for an effective stance against the marching crusaders of Boniface of Montferrat, though, as the late George Kolias observed thirty years ago, he unwisely directed his activities rather against his compatriots than against the Latin invader. Yet, it has recently been said by Michael J. Angold that Sgurus ‘almost certainly enjoyed local backing in his expeditions’.