高宗、武則天並稱“二聖”問題申論

唐高宗時代,高宗與武則天並稱"二聖",傳世史書都如是記載。筆者曾經撰文認爲,"二聖"之稱是宮內之稱,屬於家禮範圍,所謂上奏公文皆如是的記載沒有直接證據,而石刻史料提供的皆是皇帝、皇后或者天皇、天后之稱。但依然有人不同意。所以本文再次申論,解釋新的資料,並提供武則天上表高宗的事證,以明並稱之說與所行制度的矛盾,是不能成立的。     

高宗和武則天並稱“二聖”事補正

<正>《中華文史論叢》2011年第2期刊出孟憲實先生的《論高宗、武則天並稱"二聖"事》一文,推定高宗、武則天時兩例使用"二聖"一詞均屬於宮中範圍,並以龍門石窟題記未見"二聖"爲旁證,認定史籍所載"二聖"乃是由宮中推至天下的擴大化之辭。就筆者所見,"二聖"一詞在高宗、武則天時尚有兩例。其一出自封道言《大唐故淮南大長公主墓誌銘并序》(載岳連建、柯卓英《唐淮南大長公主墓誌     

霞浦抄本夷偈“弗里真言”辨釋

近幾年福建霞浦發現的民間抄本,包含了近千言稀見的對音文字,殆源自摩尼教的中古波斯語和帕提亞語之夷偈。個中有號稱"弗里真言"者二首,並見於三個不同抄本。本文將之參校並試行解讀,論證其爲來華摩尼僧之口頭傳授,歷經多代口傳耳受後,始爲不諳夷語之明教徒作爲咒語使用,復被用近音漢字形諸書面,輯入霞浦清初靈源法師所用之科儀本。     

論李勣與廢王立武

李勣,曾用名李世勣,是唐初傑出軍事將領。傳統史學對李勣的評價很低,有的甚至徑直以"姦臣"相稱。關鍵是在唐高宗"廢王立武"事件中,李勣采取了支持唐高宗的立場。陳寅恪先生不以道德觀念評價歷史人物,認爲李勣支持武則天當皇后是因爲他們同屬於一個地域政治集團,這一觀點影響巨大。有學者棄用地域集團概念,轉用階層概念,認爲李勣與武則天同屬於"庶族地主"階層。考察李勣與唐高宗的關係發現,唐高宗長期信任李勣,在高宗的故臣中,李勣、李義府、許敬宗都是廢王立武的支持者。以李勣爲代表的高宗故臣在唐高宗與長孫無忌的政治鬥爭中的立場與作用,具有必然性。研究"廢王立武"事件,地域集團説和階層集團説,都有過度解釋之嫌。     

“傳奇”文體名義的因應

中國古代文學史上,"傳奇"一詞先後被賦於三種文體意義:唐人小說、元人雜劇、明清的文人南戲。而它們在當時皆有各自被普遍接受的通用名稱,分別是傳記(或"雜傳記")、雜劇、南戲,所以,以"傳奇"賦名之,相對於那時的通用稱名來說即屬於"改稱"。對於同一種文體來說,"傳奇"稱名與當時的通用稱名所基於的立場和觀念是不同的。而對於這三種文體來說,它們被賦名"傳奇",所基於的觀念和立場,所着眼的文體屬性和價值是前後相承、密切關聯的。在此過程中,"傳奇"一詞在文體歸類意義上被注入了兩個重要的內涵:一是强調這三種文體的文學屬性,二是彰顯與通用稱名所蘊含的觀念的對立。     

從“韓、李”並稱看晚唐五代至北宋中期古文發展的趨勢——兼論王通在儒學道統中地位提升的原因

晚唐至北宋中期的古文評論開始將韓愈、李翱並稱,這代表了"道統"觀念成爲古文發展鏈條中不可忽視的一股思潮。其中"道"的內涵發生了深刻的轉變,即從强調總體社會政治的人文教化而日益轉向於個人道德的修養成聖。到了北宋中期,這一轉變促使歐陽修在《讀李翱文》中提出了嶄新的士人精神,確立了心憂天下的道德理想,發展了士人個體人格中的道德性理價值,呼籲優秀士人積極入世,並以此延伸到政治時局中的具體問題,使得自晚唐五代以來"韓、李"並稱所蘊含的人文教化之道落實於士人的主體人格之上,實現了古文儒道思想的螺旋式上升。與此同時,王通能夠上升爲儒學道統譜系中的重要人物,是與"韓、李"並稱代表的古文道統成爲當時儒學思想的重要背景密不可分的。從這個意義上説,"韓、李"並稱無疑是當時古文發展乃至儒學文化趨向的重要標誌。     

鄉飲酒禮上的遵與僎

據禮書記載,在先秦的鄉飲酒禮上,有一種參與者稱"遵",還有一種參與者稱"僎"。前者見於《儀禮·鄉飲酒禮》及《鄉射禮》,後者見於《禮記·鄉飲酒義》。多數人的看法是把遵、僎認作一事的,二字被認爲是通假關係。但哪一個是本字,學者有異説。人們繪製的鄉飲酒禮圖,也相應形成了兩個類型:以《儀禮》爲本的禮圖取"遵",以《禮記》爲本的禮圖取"僎"。進而遵或僎的具體身份是什么,也造成了若干經學糾葛,諸説紛紜,並影響到了宋明清王朝的鄉飲酒儀注。有一種觀點認爲,"遵"是到場觀禮的高官,而"僎"爲幫助主人行禮的屬吏,把他們混爲一談是鄭玄注造成的,二者以區别開來爲好。本文把初步梳理提供給相關研究者,以供研判參酌。     

《夷堅志》明教紀事史料價值辨釋

本文從歷史文獻學的角度,辨釋見於《佛祖統紀》之《夷堅志》明教紀事,認爲該紀事雖不見今本《夷堅志》,但大體應出自《夷堅志》作者洪邁之手筆;並就該紀事中有關明教的稱謂,教主之名諱,信徒之服色,該教對道教之依托,教徒的習俗等,一一加以辨釋,甄別其真僞,界定其與實際的距離。     

論中國古典小說的“奇”評及“奇書”概念

<正>引言中國古代文學批評中常以"奇書"來形容某些小説作品,最耳熟能詳的莫過於"四大奇書"之稱。求諸文獻資料,不難發現奇書之稱並非自古已然,而是經過一段長時間的發展,最後於明清時期得到文人的廣泛使用,影響至今。其源流始於何時?其涵意及發展如何?這些都是值得探討的問題。因此,本文擬詳細梳理及分析中國古典小説中"奇書"概念的源流、發展及内涵,俾使讀者及學界對此有一個清晰而全面的理解。     

沈文倬先生關於漢時“《士禮》”稱名說辨正

<正>流傳於世的儒家經典《儀禮》一書,在漢時曾被稱名為《士禮》。該稱名,一見於《史記·儒林列傳》:"諸學者多言《禮》,而魯高堂生最本。《禮》固自孔子時而其經不具,及至秦焚書,書散亡益多,於今獨有《士禮》,高堂生能言之。"~①再見於《漢書·藝文志》:"及周之衰,諸侯將逾法度,惡其害己,皆滅去其籍,自孔子時而不具,至秦大壞。漢興,魯高堂生傳《士禮》十七篇。"又見於《漢書·     

Functions of sovereign violence: Contesting and establishing order in Darjeeling,India

This paper explores the relationship between de facto sovereign violence and order in spaces of contested authority. Here, so-called “informal sovereigns” imbued with the power to kill and punish with impunity can act either as rebels against, or as chosen mediators for, a weak government. This paper takes this ambivalent relationship between informal sovereigns and the state as a starting point to explore the different functions of sovereign violence drawing on a case study from Darjeeling, India. Here, informal sovereigns appear in the form of regional leaders of an autonomy movement that has, at times, violently challenged the government's authority over the region. Drawing on Walter Benjamin's distinction between law-making and law-preserving violence, the paper argues that sovereign violence performed by such informal sovereigns has different functions. It can either stabilize or challenge existing power relations and legal orders. To differentiate these functions and to account for the ambivalent relations between informal sovereigns and the state, the category of informal sovereigns needs to be disentangled. To do so, this paper establishes a distinction between ‘petty sovereigns‘, whose sovereignty is outsourced from the state, and ‘autonomous sovereigns’, whose authority is mainly grounded in actors' capacity to perform excessive violent acts. While petty sovereigns' violence is law-preserving and strengthens existing power relations, autonomous sovereigns engage in law-making activities and aspire to affect changed orders and to benefit from that change. The case study concludes that a sovereign's efficacy in effecting order is not only grounded in violence. Rather, its authority emerges from the grey zone of the negotiated boundaries between itself and the state, and its recognition by its respective constituents.     

Les aleas de la reproduction sociale: ‘Le cas de la bourgeoisie d'sarles sous le second empire’

This article has two aims. The first is to outline Franco Venturi's ideas on absolutist monarchy and to highlight new analytical perspectives of his interest in the achievements of the reformist sovereigns. The second is to help shed light on his complex intellectual life. The article begins by underlining how Venturi's historical insights make it difficult to single out a unanimous understanding of absolutist monarchy, and then develops by reconstructing different notions of monarchy. These are: (1) monarchy as a dynamic impetus capable of renewing society in the ancien régime, (2) monarchy as a fundamental, albeit complex, collaboration between power and the intellectual, (3) monarchy as the ground in which libertarian ferment matured, (4) monarchy as a force that provoked revolts and rebellions. Focusing particularly on this last idea, the article suggests how Venturi's interest in the sovereigns’ actions grew in part from his sympathy for and appreciation of the rebellions to which their reformist policies gave rise. This particular perspective makes it possible to observe an ever-present streak of radicalism in Venturi's ideas.     

父子帝王家 千年翰墨香宋徽宗赵佶与宋高宗赵构的书法艺术

中国书法史上以笔墨见长的父子书家,在三国有钟繇、钟会;在东晋有王羲之、王献之;在唐有欧阳询、欧阳通;在宋有苏洵、苏轼,米芾、米友仁;以至元赵孟烦、赵雍;明文徵明、文彭等。若论及帝王之家,宋徽宗赵佶与宋高宗赵构父子是最为典型的两位,辽宁省博物馆举办的《中国古代皇帝与名臣书画精品展》中,就有他们的作品。     

自我作古 用适于事--武则天标新立异的洛阳明堂

唐初,太宗崇尚儒学,贞观五年想建造明堂。大儒孔颖达等上表陈述各种意见。由于都是从文献到文献,众说纷坛,无法互相说服。因而太宗之世,未能建成。高宗即位的第二年）──永徽二年（公元６５１年）七月,便诏令诸曹尚书及左右丞侍郎、太常国子监秘书官、宏文馆学士等共同详议明堂制度。郡臣都附庸汉儒,一部分提出以郑玄为代表的“五室”之说,另一部分提出以卢植、蔡邕为代表的“九室”之说,相互对立;还有另外进呈其他的明堂图样,不一而足。这次议论,仍然是“诸儒纷争,互有不同”,高宗“以九室之议,理有可依”,令孔官学士详定…     

唐代州制是如何演变为明代府制的──宋代地方行政建置研究

唐代的州过渡到明代的府,经历了三个阶段：一,唐、五代府的初创阶段,二,宋 代府的演变阶段,三,元、明府的确立阶段。其中宋是演变的关键,它又可以分为三个时期：一, 继承时期,宋大祖至哲宗（９６０－１１００）。二,大发展时期,宋徽宗（１１０１—１１２５）。三,持续发展时 期,宋高宗至度宗（１１２７—１２７４）。     

British and Irish Conflict Regulation from Sunningdale to Belfast Part I: Tracing the Status of Contesting Sovereigns, 1968–1974

Abstract. This article, which is presented in two parts, analyses the changing conceptions of the status of the two sovereigns (the United Kingdom and the Irish Republic) whose competing claims to sovereignty over Northern Ireland has been the ultimate cause of conflict. In Part I (presented here) I adapt Ian Lustick's theory of state contraction and expansion to the British-Irish relationship as it affected the negotiation of the Sunningdale Power-sharing Agreement of 1973–1974. I argue that the failure to address the competing claims to sovereignty limited the possibilities of achieving and maintaining the consent of sufficient proportions of each ethno-national community. Part I of the article (forthcoming) will extend the analysis to explain the relative equalisation of sovereignty status between Britain and Ireland and presents a modification of a ‘liberal intergovernmentalist’ explanation of the evolution of the Anglo-Irish Agreement (1985) and Belfast Agreement (1998).     

Who is entitled to ‘earn sovereignty'? Legitimacy and regime support in Abkhazia and Nagorno‐Karabakh

Abkhazia and Nagorno‐Karabakh are internationally unrecognised political entities, or so‐called de facto states, that have emerged as a result of the incomplete and contested state‐formation of their parent states and of the secessionist movements that emerged in the power vacuum of the post‐Soviet space. In addition to examining the conventional reliance on the self‐determination principle, usually followed by a call for international recognition (as often practised by emerging sovereigns), this article aims to survey whether these political entities have proved that they embody ‘rightful authority’ as such and whether they ‘have earned their sovereignty’. In other words, it attempts to examine the self‐determination claims in Abkhazia and Nagorno‐Karabakh based on legitimacy criteria that are widely accepted for liberal democratic societies using an analysis of the respective issues as they were represented in focus‐group discussions in these two regions.     

岳飞之死与宋代文人政治的历史困境

岳飞之死乃是宋代政治的一大悲剧事件。一般认为是高宗、秦桧为与金媾和而杀害了岳飞,但从更深的政治文化传统来看,岳飞实为宋代士大夫官僚集团共同谋害。他的死象征了士大夫从武将手中重新夺回兵权,恢复了自宋代立国以来的文人主导政治的传统。岳飞之死亦显示了宋代文化的悲剧性质,是自北宋以来文人迫害武将传统的历史循环,显示了宋代文人集团极其狭隘的政治心胸。审视岳飞悲剧可以看出,士大夫们已经把维护本集团利益日益看得高于一切,甚至置王朝的整体利益于不顾,他们最终自陷于历史的困境而不能自拔。这也是整个所谓"宋型文化"失败的个案透视。     

‘A Numerous,Illiterate, and Irresponsible Bhayat’: The Maharaos of Kutch,their Nobles and the British Paramount Power, 1816–1947

British paramountcy transformed the relationship between the Indian princes and the individuals and groups with whom they traditionally shared power. In the princely state of Kutch, British intervention repeatedly altered the balance of power between the prince, or maharao, and his nobles, the Bhayat (‘brotherhood’). When Kutch came under British suzerainty in 1816 the maharao was given licence to enforce his authority over the Bhayat. Over the next 130 years the Bhayat were by turns made into the real rulers of Kutch; autonomous sovereigns in their landed estates; and finally mere landlords, holding their possessions at the will of the maharao. Each of these transformations reflected assessments made by British ‘men-on-the-spot’ of the best means of securing British objectives in Kutch.