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瞿骏 《Frontiers of History in China》2009,4(3):390-425
From 1911 to 1913, in big streets and small lanes, in famous parks and thriving stores, and in tea houses and grand restaurants
located in such cities as Shanghai, Nanjing, Beijing and Wuchang, numerous business opportunities were born out of the Revolution
of 1911. By using the political giants and military leaders around Shanghai, business firms skillfully dealt with the difficulties
of the continually changing political situation and managed to keep their businesses afloat, succeeding in their response
to the consumption demands of the public. It can be argued that the Revolution of 1911 played a distinct role in the development
of businesses in Shanghai during that time.
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Translated by Zhong Chen from Shilin 史林 (Historical Review), 2008, (3): 137–150 相似文献
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M.J. Freeman 《Journal of Historical Geography》1980,6(1):17-28
Recent studies by Albert, Pawson and others have led to a new appreciation of road transport in the Industrial Revolution; traditionally, it is canal development rather than road transport expansion that has been seen as the key sector in contemporary transport improvement. Fresh examination of the traditional emphasis on canals underlines the new findings on the road sector. The role of canals in raw material movement may be undeniable, but the marketing side of the industrializing economy has largely been forgotten. Detailed comparison of the different properties of canal and road transport reveals yet further weaknesses. Among them is the peculiar susceptibility of canals to frost and drought. Using a prediction technique based on Manley's monthly temperature means for Central England, it emerges that in one out of every two years, frost may have impeded canal-working for upwards of 20 days. A number of possible directions for further research are outlined. Of particular importance is the need for studies of transport demand. 相似文献
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英国农业自16世纪始发生了一场深刻的革命,农业生产增长明显加快,农业劳动生产率也稳步提高,直接为工业革命铺平了道路。同时也使英国率先摆脱了传统社会周期性生存危机的困扰,孕育了近代乡村工业,为乡村人口流动和城市发展提供了动力,在英国由传统农业社会向近代工业社会的转型中扮演了重要的角色。 相似文献
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财富与贫困的悖论--论英国工业化的失误及其原因 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
英国是世界上第一个工业化国家,工业化带来了生产力的巨大飞跃和财富的急剧增加。但与此同时,在社会上延续已久的贫困现象并没有因此得到多少缓解,有时甚至还加剧了,这是一种财富与贫困的悖论。工业化时期的英国,这种悖论的存在,特别是工人阶级的贫困化对社会产生了严重的消极影响。财富与贫困的悖论,究其根源来说,是由“自由放任”式工业化道路所决定的,它构成了英国工业化的一个重大失误。当20世纪上半叶英国真正认识到这一失误并逐步去纠正时,它已在这方面付出了沉重的代价,并为后发展国家提供了“前车之鉴” 相似文献
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Rachel N. Schnepper 《Parliamentary History》2016,35(2):132-151
Central to both the causes and development of the English revolution was the demand for reformation of the Church of England. The question of what shape this reform should take, however, divided English men and women. Debates over the further reformation of the Church of England were also complicated by the emergence of increasingly vocal and powerfully‐placed calls for freedom of religion, ranging from a limited toleration for a certain few to a broader liberty of conscience for all. This article looks at the debate surrounding liberty of conscience during the English revolution in 1644–5, but from a fresh angle: examining the context and rationale for the parliamentary ordered religious settlement of the English Atlantic colony of Bermuda in October of 1645. Integrating the fortunes of this Atlantic colony into the history of the English revolution reconfigures our understanding and analysis of revolutionary religion and politics. 相似文献
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《Textile history》2013,44(1):80-89
AbstractNewspaper runaway advertisements are one of the best sources of information on American women's working-class dress, but have only been minimally analysed in quantity. This article presents a project in which the notices of 900 women's elopements and their 5,600 garments have been catalogued in a relational database to provide greater access to garment data in runaway advertisements, including textile use, colour and patterning information. Data about the women, including physical characteristics, geographical location and ethnicity are linked to the garment data to allow contextual searches. Select initial investigations into preconceived notions of women's working-class clothing during this period are included to demonstrate future research directions based on this approach. 相似文献
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Geographical literature has predominantly presented the heterosexual nuclear family home as an oppressive environment for gay, lesbian and bisexual (GLB) youth, reporting that homophobic abuse, violence and expulsion are not uncommon outcomes of coming out at home. While not denying the widespread reality of these experiences, little consideration has been given to GLB youth whose disclosure at home is affirmed by parents and siblings, nor the reasons for and consequences of this acceptance and support. This article begins to fill this gap, contributing to geographies of sexuality, home and family. Through a critical reading of autobiographical coming out narratives from Australia, I reconsider the experience of the nuclear family home for well-supported GLB youth, arguing against the normalization of the homophobic nuclear family home. Through the support of parents and siblings, family homes can become sites of resistance to wider practices of heterosexism, and support for GLB youth. Heterosexual identity does not ‘essentially’ generate heterosexist reactions and attitudes: some heterosexual parents and siblings welcome and nourish sexual difference, and this provides fissures in overarching structures of heteronormativity which allow for the generation of non-heterosexual subjectivities and desires. I contend that this actually ‘queers’ the family home, providing a space for the fluorescence of non-heterosexuality within an apparently heteronormative site. 相似文献
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Jason Peacey 《Parliamentary History》2020,39(1):7-24
This article examines neglected evidence regarding the ongoing captivity of the children of Charles I, at the hands of the republican regime, long after the regicide in January 1649. While it is well known that the Long Parliament was anxious to attend to the education of the royal children, and to exert authority over their upbringing, and also that there were rumours during the 1640s about plans to install the youngest prince, the duke of Gloucester, on the throne in place of a deposed king, little attention has been paid to voluminous and intriguing evidence about their fate during the interregnum. The aim of this essay is to survey such sources, and to recover evidence of a political and parliamentary debate about the children's fate, not least in a situation where it was thought possible that they might provide a rallying point for royalists, and a security threat. That debates about their fate were protracted and convoluted is used to flesh out rather sketchy evidence – much commented upon by historians, but not taken very seriously – that there was an ongoing debate over a possible monarchical settlement until 1653. 相似文献
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《Political Theology》2013,14(3):269-279
AbstractDespite religion's absence in much of secular labor and social movement theories' analyses, progressive religious coalitions are a fundamental partner in the rise of new labor activism in the United States. At a time when media and academia focus on the strength of the "religious right" at the federal level, the success of the municipal living wage movement demonstrates the under-recognized power of the "religious left" in cities around the nation. Through examples from case studies, I document the importance of progressive religion's material and cultural contributions to the movement. In the end, I also contend that paying attention to the successful dynamics of religion-labor alliances at the municipal level can provide important lessons for revitalizing progressive religion's role at the federal level. 相似文献