东晋都督诸州军事与其所领将军职的关系探讨

东晋国家设置的都督诸州军事与将军职有密切的关系。实际上,将军职是都督诸州军事任职的必要条件。东晋都督诸州军事与将军职的结合表现出明显的多样性,并且也呈现出复杂性。由于都督诸州军事与将军职结合的密切,因此将军职可以体现都督诸州军事的地位,可以在一定程度上表现都督诸州军事的等级,可以表现国家对都督诸州军事的表扬和惩处。都督诸州军事与将军职的密切结合,就使其军事职官的特征更明显了。     

东晋征讨都督探讨

征讨都督是在西晋末年出现的。在东晋时期,征讨都督为当时国家广泛使用,并且,在征讨都督的设置上,表现出明显的特点。东晋国家严格控制征讨都督的设置权力。征讨都督实际上是国家中央和地方官员的兼领职。征讨都督具有比较明确的等级区分,具有持节的权力和比较明确的称号。征讨都督可以统率中军、外军以及州郡兵,可以行使军事惩罚权,可以有效地指挥参与征讨作战的将军。征讨都督与当时国家的各种名号的将军以及都督诸州军事有密切的关系。由于都督诸州军事兼领征讨都督职,因而,就使它具有在都督区外作战、统率都督区外的军队的权力,并且,在特定的条件下,可以扩大都督区的范围。对征讨都督在战争中起到的这种作用,是不应该忽视的。     

论曹魏都督辖区的形成及定型

汉末动乱,朝廷重设四征、镇等将军以统辖一方军事,并重置都督以督管诸军。曹氏执政,为统一事权,督军渐向都督诸州军事发展,并与四征、镇将军之辖区形成二级军区制。及曹魏中后期,司马氏执政,鉴于四征、镇将军事权过大,且与都督事权不一,乃分割诸征、镇将军辖区,令四征、镇并置,并另置四安、平将军及诸杂号将军分辖各区。这使得四征、镇等将军辖区渐渐向都督区靠拢。将军号的滥置使得其位阶性日强,事权性日弱。在晋代魏禅时,都督最终正式取代了四征、镇等将军,成为地方最高军事长官,而都督区制度也就此趋于定型。     

西晋大都督考略

国家设置大都督,最早是在魏明帝太和四年。西晋禅代魏后,仍然设置大都督。但这时设置的大都督,一般说来,出于两种目的：一是西晋国家以征讨为目的而设置大都督;二是西晋国家为尊崇重臣而设置大都督。大都督的设置,在这时已失去独立性。它经常与“八公”、将军和都督诸州军事等重要职官一同授予重臣。尽管如此,大都督仍然起到统帅征讨军和加重重臣地位的作用。只是到西晋末年,由于皇权的衰徽,才使国家设置的大都督的这些作用明显削弱了。     

北魏后期的“道”考略

北魏后期,国家开始设置“道”。这种“道”,实际上是为大使、征讨都督和行台规定的活动范围。因此,北魏后期“道”的设置是与大使、征讨都督和行台的任职联系在一起的。由这种设置特点所决定,“道”成为大使、征讨都督和行台活动的特殊区域;“道”的设置具有临时性,其存续时间与大使、征讨都督与行台的任职相联系;“道”规定的区域范围是不明确的。至北魏末年,行台的设置开始具有地方官化的趋势,其明显表现是多以州刺史和都督诸州军事兼任。因而,与这些行台的任职相联系的“道”不仅设置的时间延长,并且具有比较明确的区域范围,实际上成为一种不稳定的行台区。这种不稳定的行台区,正是东魏、北齐稳定行台区产生的前提。     

西晋永嘉、建兴年间都督诸州军事制度探讨

西晋永嘉、建兴年间,继续在全国重要地区设置镇戍区,由都督负责镇戍区的防卫。但是,由于西晋末的政治、军事形势十分复杂．因此这一时期都督区和都督的设置,出现了不同于建国初年的较大变化。为了挽救日益深重的政治危机．西晋政府除进一步扩大都督的军事权力外,还相应增加了都督的行政权力。但是。随着各地方都督势力的衰落及其离心力的加强,西晋末年的都督诸州军事制度不仅没有巩固王朝的统治,反而加速了它的衰落与灭亡。     

都督诸州军事职能在魏晋南北朝的演变——以非军事职能为侧重点

都督诸州军事的产生是为了适应当时的战争环境,主要是围绕军事斗争建立并为其服务的。但随着这一制度的进一步发展,衍生出许多非军事职能。这一制度对中国古代的行政区划产生了重要影响。而魏晋南北朝各个时期的时代特征不同,都督制也呈现出不同的特点。     

南朝直閤将军制度考

南朝官制继承晋制而有所变革 ,在禁卫武官制度中 ,直将军是南朝初年产生而又在南北朝及隋代延续一个半世纪的一项颇具特色的制度。正史官志中仅有梁代朱衣直将军品级的一条记载 ,本文全面钩稽南朝诸史纪传及《资治通鉴》有关记载 ,对南朝直将军的出现及定型 ,直将军的地位与职掌 ,直将军与南朝政治等问题进行了研究 ,认为 :宋孝武帝初年以中下级禁卫武官“直”之制 ,到宋齐之际定型为专职禁卫武官直将军 ,其地位相当于四、五品左右 ,其职掌为入直省、侍卫君主 ,属君主最亲近的禁卫武官之列 ,直将军对南朝政治有重要的影响     

《宋书·巴陵哀王休若传》补正一则

《宋书》卷72《文九王·巴陵哀王休若传》:“又未拜,出为使持节、都督会稽东阳永嘉临海新安五郡诸军事、领安东将军、会稽太守,率众东讨。进督吴、吴兴、晋陵三郡。寻加散骑常侍,进号卫将军,给鼓吹一部。又进督晋安□□二郡诸军事。”(中华书局1974年点校本,第1883页)“晋安”下缺一郡名。     

辽代山西诸州的一体化

辽代山西诸州在辽太祖早期分隶于西南面招讨司和代北云朔招讨司,至辽太宗会同元年,又改属南京。辽穆宗辽圣宗时期,诸州军政、财政逐渐形成一体。非战时体制下,山西诸州军事由南、北大王兼理,政事、监察由奉圣州节度使总领,掌领者皆治奉圣州。辽宋战争初期,山西诸州与南京分两区,由南京军事长官总领。尔后,为防御宋军,山西诸州与西南面招讨司合设一区,单独行使军事职权。山西诸州的财政一体始于军需供给,辽圣宗开泰三年,奉圣、丰、蔚、云、应、朔等州置一都转运使,辽代财赋路之一的西京路初步形成。至圣宗晚期,山西诸州已完成军政、财政,乃至监察的一体化。辽兴宗重熙十三年,山西诸州依靠其地理环境及由此形成的军事隘口防御体系,再加之与宋朝和夏朝政权关系等多重因素推动,自南京分离。山西诸州各方面一体化时间上的差异性,根源于辽朝存在着多种非正式区划,而山西诸州与西南南面招讨司合成"西京道",又反映出原来诸种非正式区划逐步消解与再整合的趋向。     

Loyalist Tattoos and Tattooed Generals in the Song Dynasty

According to Yue Fei’s biography, when the legendary general was slandered and interrogated for treason, he tore the shirt off his body, exposing four characters tattooed on his back: “Exhaust one’s loyalty in service of the state.” This study looks at two components of the Yue Fei story—patriotic tattoos, and tattooed generals—and examines their meaning in the broader stretch of Song dynasty history. Yue Fei was not the Song dynasty’s only tattooed general who came to a tragic end. The Northern Song’s Di Qing was a tattooed soldier whose military merit allowed him to rise to the highest levels of power in the empire. Di Qing’s story makes it clear that tattooed generals were objects of suspicion and ridicule at court due to their military tattoos, a trait that linked them to the criminals and lower class men that manned the Song armies. Though military tattoos sometimes had a loyalist ring to them, they were carried out on a mass scale, and were a characteristic of coercion rather than fervent loyalism. This study shows that underneath the nationalist historical narrative of the Song dynasty, of which Yue Fei is a famous example, there lies a different story of social conflict within the Song state. Rather than a story of Chinese fighting non-Chinese and of traitorous and cowardly officials struggling with loyal patriots, this study offers a narrative of a social conflict between high-born clear-skinned officials and low-born tattooed military men.     

雍正、乾隆朝引见绿营武官分析

文章依据雍正、乾隆朝引见绿营武官的履历档案,分析了这一时期绿营武官的籍贯、民族等问题,并比较雍正、乾隆两朝的变化特点。揭示了旗人特别是满人的选官特权在乾隆朝更明显,任职比例大幅攀升,任职层级提高,且多在战略要地任职。陕甘籍官员以功绩、福建籍官员以水师技能也分享了选官特权。乾隆朝武官人事渐显因循化趋势,循资任职比例增多,避籍制度宽松、年龄增大。通过对出兵记录的分析,估算了这一时期出兵西北、西南和台湾的比例。     

契约与民生:清代徽州棚民长期存在之反思

明代以来进入徽州地区的外地棚民,利用当地丰富的自然资源,进行各种经济活动.在当时的社会条件制约下,此类经济活动耗费了大量的资源,破坏了徽州农村的生态环境,损害了地方和国家的利益.虽然清代微州民间和官方采取了不同措施以遏制生态环境恶化,但棚民开发在清代却长期存在.文章从契约和民生的角度分析认为,政府对契约法律效率的承认,百姓的生存以及谋利的需要,是清代徽州棚民长期存在、难以驱禁的两大重要原因.     

修城“不积极”——明代筑城史的重要一面

从湖广等地的情况来看,有明一代,偏安之地城池迟迟未建、安定时期任其圮坏等"不修城"的情形颇为常见。官民财力匮乏、不利的地形环境、官员因循苟且、舆论习于将修城视为劳民伤财等不利条件限制之下,各地官民修城消极懈怠的状况相当普遍,近乎世风。这种始终无法消除的消极因素对明代的筑城政策及其实施产生了多方面的影响:明前期修筑、维护城池主要限于驻军各地,对于其他众多普通州县并未从严要求,以示体恤民情,以免招致民怨;明廷对各地修城频频申令、施压,但收效欠佳;各地往往迫于"寇盗"威胁及上司督责的压力才兴工修城,而前者的作用尤为突出。学者所谓明代"一贯积极、严厉的"筑城政策促成了各地广修城池的看法似乎并不完全切合史实,一些流行已久的相关认识亦有修正、澄清的必要。     

Upsetting the Establishment

The Guanlong Bloc has been widely believed to have enjoyed significant advantages in the dynasties founded between the Western Wei and the Tang. Based on an analysis of the sociopolitical framework and geo-strategic factor before the Taiyuan Uprising, this article aims to explain how in order to strike a severe blow against the Sui. Li Yuan, a core member of the Guanlong Bloc, made use of forces alienated by, or simply unrelated to, the establishment. In addition to showing their considerable resentment against the establishment, a substantial number of meritorious officials collaborating with Li Yuan during the Sui were not directly affiliated with the Guanlong Bloc in terms of family and regional backgrounds; some of them were from humble origin or even desperados not tolerated by the establishment. Amongst the desperados, some were originally members of the Guanlong Bloc but committed crimes while the others were local bandits and chivalrous swordsmen. During his time governing Taiyuan and leading the troop to march towards Chang’an, Li Yuan had managed to recruit local bandits and chivalrous swordsmen. During the medieval era, aristocratic elites played a dominant role in shaping both politics and society; class differentiation was considered a major feature characterized by aristocratic preference. This prevailing mindset, however, did not seem to place any restrictions on Li Yuan in his efforts to recruit locals from humble origin. This practice was instrumental in drawing local supports, thus tremendously strengthening his military force to overthrow the establishment. The method adopted by Li Yuan highlights the point that despite his deep connection with the Guanlong Bloc, he adopted a policy of drawing on local human resources rather than relying on the military strength of the Guanlong region in the process of establishing his own authority. Another major point of discussion is the weakening of the Guanlong Bloc during the Sui. Yang Jian and his sons had counted heavily on those who were not the Guanlong Bloc members; some members of the Bloc had even become the target of purges during the reign of Yang Guang. In this sense, the strategy of using forces outside the establishment to overthrow it was not Li Yuan’s creation; instead, Li simply followed what Yang Jian and his sons had been doing in their endeavors to overthrow the existing order. The above historical facts are sufficient to cast doubt on the advantageous position that the Guanlong Bloc was supposed to be enjoying during medieval China. As a whole, similar to all other military and political blocs in history, the Guanlong Bloc passed through the stages of both establishment and transformation before stepping out of the historical arena.     

金朝后期行省官制考

金朝后期设置的行省,由其最高长官行省事开府置官。行省机构职官有行政机构左右司职官、军事职官、监察御史等。行省事通常需要具有中央尚书省宰执身份,其职掌包括军事事务和地方行政事务两方面,体现出行省官制极强的军政合一性。其中行省行政机构的设置,为行省最终转化为地方统治机构奠定了基础。     

唐朝下层士人社会交往特征及其心态

唐朝下层士人的社会交往具有鲜明的时代特色,他们以科举和入幕为社交中心,以上层权贵、名士及地方官为社交对象,展开觅举、游丐、游幕等社交活动,并在这些社交活动中表现出不同的心态。     

Military Rule,Political Manipulation,and Jewish Settlement: Israeli Mechanisms for Controlling Nazareth in the 1950s

This article explores the first decade of relations between the State of Israel and the city of Nazareth, which after the 1948 war constituted the largest and most important Arab center in the new Jewish state. It focuses on the strategies employed by central government officials to retain state control over the all-Arab city and surrounding region, highlighting the integrated use of military, political, and spatial mechanisms. The Nazareth municipal elections of 1954 emerge as an important milestone in this process, compelling officials to intervene in local politics and to take immediate concrete steps towards establishing the Jewish town of Upper Nazareth.     

The intimacy of power: gender and US naval visits to Haifa port 1979–2001

Using a method of feminist historical ethnography, this article offers a microanalysis of US Sixth Fleet port calls, Rest and Recreation, and naval diplomacy in Haifa port over the period 1979–2001. The documentation of everyday civil–military encounters in the city supports the claim that in the Mediterranean context, American military expansion was welcomed both by political elites and by the general public. In this process, a politics of consensus was built through repeated activities, ceremonies and cultural frames, which stressed the shared values and importance of US–Israel relations. Although the negative effects of routine visits (vandalism, crime, prostitution and rape) were never publicly acknowledged on the national level, two mechanisms for containing and minimizing urban conflict were developed over time by local officials and entrepreneurs. First, a discursive framing of port calls as a form of militarized tourism enabled municipal authorities to carefully plan and control the daily routine of foreign servicemen, including their exchanges with local residents. Second, the urban decay of the Haifa port district enabled the creation of intimate and confined bars that catered for American soldiers far from residential areas. Narratives of and about women who were involved as agents in the daily maintenance of these spaces reveal that intimacy, sexuality and even motherly love were significant for the development of both mechanisms. Furthermore, local forms of militarized femininity, namely the care for male soldiers as a motherly duty and the trivialization of sexual violence, were expanded to include US servicemen, contributing to the normalization of foreign military presence.     

清代伊犁将军职掌考述

伊犁将军是清朝政府在平定准噶尔、统一新疆过程中,根据新疆所处的自然地理环境与社会环境,本着在边疆地区"因俗施治"的原则而设置的,其职掌与权限在不同时期、不同条件下是不同的。伊犁将军的实际治政权力比法定治政权力要小,这是由清朝政府为了防止地方势力坐大及在边疆民族地区实行"因俗施治"政策决定的。