红叶节赏斑斓秋色

进入秋季,满山葱翠的大明山开始呈现出赤橙黄绿的颜色,层林尽染,蔚为壮观,远远望去,就如穿上了节日盛装,而一年一度的大明山江南红叶节也自10月下旬隆重启幕了,大明山迎来了最富有魅力的季节,大明山,比香山更红叶. 大明山是森林的海洋,观赏植物相当丰富,到了秋天,凉风飒飒,艳阳高照,经过霜雾的洗礼,一片片枫叶像害羞的少女,撒落一片深情,特别是枫树湾,是一片红色的世界,娇艳似火,瑰丽似霞的红叶耀眼夺目、引人入胜,红的织烈,红的诱人.立于栈道,远处山坳,近处脚底,一株株,一团团,一簇簇,黄红相间,色彩缤纷,鲜艳夺目,令人仿佛进入了“车行十里画屏上,身走四方红叶中”的梦幻童话世界.山上的空气特别清明、新鲜,山上的环境特别宁静、安详,可以欣赏秋色的茂林,领悟秋山的寂静,感受大自然的人生,享受人间的乐趣.晨曦中,山林秋雾,叶面上秋珠闪闪.天高秋爽,霜叶红于二月花,一片深秋的景色,一个秋天的童话,大明山的秋天,比香山更红,它是怡情的远方,更是摄影爱好者的天堂.     

药

用流水形容时间,它就无声无息地从你的容颜上剜过,清凉地、温柔地留下水迹,渗进肌肤。把朋友当作一味长熬的药剂,温暖灼烈的药剂,甘味入苦。把人生看成一间药铺,我们积蓄了很多副药剂,有的用来治愈肌肤之痛,有的用来治愈心灵之痛……用来治愈时间伤口的,有吗? 同样的地方,秋梧桐下,同样的时间,日落西山,同样的人,微笑的我,不同的脸,你看着我。你翻过围栏,奔跑在操场上,抬起你的右脚,扮各式的鬼脸。你的脸,有些模糊的重叠,另一张脸,颤抖的,若隐若现,熟悉的悲哀,充满压抑,我微笑看着那张脸,已经不用     

仿莎菲女士的日记

跋 读丁玲女士的《莎菲女士的日记》数次,前后相隔五、六年,第一次读时,只记得片段,如同电影镜头的切换,那么真切的在眼前闪过,那是震撼人心的呼唤,让人不得不痴痴跟随丁玲女士的脚步,去寻找莎菲的心灵足迹。不知道她今后的生活会怎样,可是,有瞬间,我仍然觉得,她已经获得她遍寻不获的思念,通过她的日记,她会得到许许多多人的爱与理解,会存活在许多人的心里,许多与她同样,忍受着人生,享受着人生,爱着,而且挣扎着,最后,总能通过这心灵的挣扎求存,净化她的心灵,通过痛彻肺腑的呼唤,实现人生的交响乐在不同的时空回荡。     

巷中

漫步在幽静的小巷,眼下,太阳含山,炊烟四起,倦鸟返林,暮色氤氲,但面对着如此的黄昏却满溢着温情。我在巷中驻足停下,伸开手掌,向着夕阳的余晖,用力去捕捉,去触碰那柔美的光线,薄纱的轻柔,蒙蒙的光感……吱啦的木门推来亘古的余香,褪色的石板铺就曲折的回廊,喜欢走这条小巷,从这里的繁华街市,到那里的城南陋巷,从这里都市楼宇,到那头的敬老院,每每看到老人们慈祥的双眸佝偻的背影,心中便有种异样的情愫升起那但是——回报。     

段子

女人全是优点妖的叫美女,刁的叫才女,木的叫淑女,蔫的叫温柔,凶的叫直爽,傻的叫阳光,狠的叫冷艳,土的叫端庄,洋的叫气质,怪的叫个性,匪的叫干练,疯的叫有味道,嫩的叫靓丽,老的叫风韵犹存,牛的叫傲雪凌风,闲的叫追求自我,弱不禁风叫小鸟依人,不像女人的叫超女!过去就好了晚上,室友偕女友一起去河边溜达。为了讨好女友,于是唱歌给她听。唱得正起劲,一位老大爷走到他身边驻足观看,室友害羞,停止高歌。大爷到他旁     

余光中的马屁诗

蒋经国去世后,台湾诗人余光中应邀写了一首《送别》诗,发表在当时的《中国时报》上。全诗是：悲哀的半旗,壮烈的半旗,为你而降,悲哀的黑纱,沉重的黑纱,为你而戴,悲哀的菊花,纯洁的菊花,为你而开,悲哀的灵堂,肃静的灵堂,为你而拜,悲哀的行列,依依的行列,为你而排,悲哀的泪水,感激的泪水,为你而流,悲哀的背影,劳累的背影,不再回头,悲哀的柩车,告别的柩车,慢慢地走,亲爱的朋友,辛苦的领袖,慢慢地走。     

我的左岸,我的运河

正我的左岸,我的运河。左岸慢时光,运河新变化,是杭州的,也是中国的。1.左岸,其实在河的东边。河叫运河,运河不宽,却很长,1794千米,自北京通州开始,一直到杭州拱宸桥,我就住在桥边上。左岸的运河边上,有一个晚上会亮的标记塔,法国人设计的,1786KM,每天晚上,我都能从餐厅的窗外望得见它的亮光,光一闪一闪,船上的马达声沉重地传来,我知道,它依然是杭州的交通主     

十二木卡姆的故乡——莎车

有道是,不到新疆,就不知中国之大;不到喀什,就不算到新疆,就不知新疆如此源远流长。莎车是新疆人口第一大县,是十二木卡姆的故乡,是新疆最大的绿洲,其悠久的历史,深厚的文化,鲜明的特色,独特的地貌,淳朴的民风,繁荣的经济,广褒的土地,飘香的瓜果,能歌善舞、顾盼生情的维吾尔族姑娘,无不令人神往。     

敦煌笔记

在茫茫的黑夜中,敦煌已经看不清了。这种情形一直残留在我的头脑中,从一开始,我就是一个在茫茫黑夜中玩耍的孩子,盲目中偷看着灿烂的星空,未来遥远,敦煌遥远。我生活在敦煌,18岁的时候,才绘制了它的形貌。它延续着狭长的走廊,两股河流东西汇合,大河两岸,堆积着人类的语言,这语言,有着黄土的质地,有着黄金的品质,后来,他们的名字如滚过天空的响雷,为创造者证明,为逝去的时间证明。人们惊讶无比,在敦煌的光明与色彩中,他们竟能够目睹天使的舞蹈。我的生活体验中,春季大风一直包裹着敦煌。一间阴暗的黄泥小屋,房顶上有一个簸箕大的窟窿,这是一处房屋与外界联系的惟一通道。童年的大多数时候,就是这样一个叫作天窗的窟窿里洒下的月色和星光,照亮了我的梦想。而在春天,有风的日子,它却被严严实实地盖上了草垫,呼呼的风声敲打着墙壁,像要掠去小屋,像要夺走人世间的一切。在我长大以后,阅读那些春天的词句,它们却包容了人间的至美,这使我日渐产生了对知识的怀疑。再以后,走了许多地方,徜徉春光,我明白了,某个特殊的地域,春天并不是特别适合于它。比如,敦煌。我常常把敦煌比作一只古老的陶罐或者一个新鲜的苹果,或者一只陶罐中装着新鲜的苹果。之所以如此极端,之所以...     

平山湖丹霞:气势磅礴的天工造化

正雪落无声。甚至,无形。似有若无,只感觉润湿扑面,沁入心脾,定睛凝神,却无踪影,如雾,只在远处氤氲。似霰,早已融入呼吸。张掖平山湖的山,就在这样悄无声息的雪中,幻化成了气势磅礴的丹霞。绵延千里,浩瀚无边。这丹霞,这红色的群山,一定是有历史,有故事的。沧桑的容颜,风蚀掉了鲜活的肌肤,留下骨肉和灵魂,似亿万年的时间堆积、压缩。每一座峰都是突兀的,都是等待的姿势,每一块岩石都浸透了风霜雨雪,厚重,苍凉,浓郁。深深浅浅的赭红色,不是华丽     

From Private Library and Bookstore to Communist Party: Yun Daiying's Social Engagement and Political Transformation, 1917–1921

The early Chinese Marxist, communist leader and martyr, Yun Daiying was an avid reader and collector of books. His intellectual and political endeavors started with reading and collecting various books and magazines on current affairs and social sciences from home and abroad. Yun Daiying founded his own private library in 1917 and expanded it into a public library while he was a student of Wuchang National Normal University. Later Yun established a reading club christened the “Mutual Aid Society” under the disparate influences of Kropotkin, Mushanokōji Saneatsu, and the YMCA. Yun's founding of the Beneficent Group Bookstore in 1920 epitomized his ideal of combining reading and the book trade with the dissemination of new knowledge and the reconstruction of society from the bottom up. Yun kept his distance from the other Comintern-influenced Wuhan Marxists, and it was rather upon the organizational foundation of the Beneficent Group Bookstore that Yun Daiying co-founded a more radical “Co-Existence Society”, whose members were eventually converted to communism in 1921.     

The White House and Congress on Child Care and Family Leave Policy: From Carter to Clinton

Over the last two decades four presidents produced a variety of family policy initiatives with mixed results. Carter issued his nine-point plan on the family and convened the first White House Conference on Families in American history. Reagan created the White House Working Group on the Family and issued Executive Order 12606, which established family impact statements. George Bush continued many of Reagan's policies and pushed family values to near the top of the political agenda by 1992, and Bill Clinton set forth his eight-point plan on the family and moved quickly to reverse many of the policies of the Reagan-Bush era. Discussed is the role of the White House and Congress in shaping two family policy initiatives in particular: The Child Care and Development Block Grant of 1990 and the Family and Medical Leave Act of 1993.     

Constitutionalist Pu Dianjun and his new cultural movement

ABSTRACT

This article challenges the standard historiography of the New Culture Movement by tracing the important role played by Pu Dianjun, a key member of the Constitution Research Group, in the broader cultural reform movement in early Republican China. It examines Pu’s years as the president and chief editor of Chenbao (1918–1922), which he transformed from a little-read partisan paper to a widely circulated and intellectually influential newspaper in Beijing. It demonstrates that Pu’s cultural endeavors, which consisted of efforts at societal change through individual awakening, were geared toward his political ideal – the transformation of Chinese commoners into capable voters in a constitutional system. Despite his absence from the standard historiography, Pu left important legacies affecting life in China today.     

The anxious host: Czechoslovakia and Carlos the Jackal 1978–1986

The nature of engagement by communist states with international terrorism remains contested. Furthermore, it represents one of the most enigmatic aspects of the Cold War. This article challenges the notion that the Soviet Bloc provided uniform active support to late Cold War terrorists and suggests new categories of host. To demonstrate the complexities and paradoxes of state-terrorist relations we examine Communist Czechoslovakia's relations with Carlos the Jackal – the most notorious terrorist of the period. The historical consensus remains that Carlos was supported by the Eastern Bloc. However, as newly-released Eastern European secret service documents show, attitudes of Moscow's allies varied considerably. Czechoslovakia was, at best, a temporary and ‘anxious host’. The arrival of major terrorists in such ‘anxious’ states were in fact often unannounced, uninvited and undesired – yet the hosts fell short of arresting the terrorists either due to ideological affinity or fear of retribution. From his first visit to Prague, Carlos the Jackal was considered to be a threat and a reputational hazard by the Czechoslovak State Security (StB). Gradually, the StB adopted subtle measures aimed at deterring the return of Carlos and his Group. Finally, in the mid-1980s, they artfully ejected the Jackal and his accomplices from its territory, but without risking formal expulsion.     

Ronald Reagan,the Nuclear Weapons Freeze Campaign and the Nuclear scare of the 1980s

This article examines the Reagan's administration response to the nuclear scare and the ensuing antinuclear mobilization of the early 1980s. Specifically, it analyses the interaction between the Nuclear Weapons Freeze Campaign (NWFC) and the Administration's Nuclear Arms Control Information Policy Group (NACIPIG), the ad hoc interdepartmental group created in order to counter the NWFC's influence on public opinion and regain control of the debate on nuclear arms negotiations. By looking simultaneously at the NACIPIG's records and the nuclear freeze campaign documents, the article analyses the interplay between the movement and the executive branch, aiming at understand how the White House responded to the domestic antinuclear challenge and in which way the movement influenced public opinion and affected in the end policy-making. The purpose is to offer a nuanced understanding of the role played by the antinuclear movement that, through its pressure on the U.S. public opinion and Congress, induced Reagan first to temper his bellicose rhetoric and then to alter his negotiating strategy with the Soviets.     

明代蜀藩亲王墓葬的分布及相关问题试析

明代蜀藩墓葬自20世纪50年代以来发现颇多。结合对《明实录》等文献的梳理,推测潘家沟蜀王墓为明晚期的蜀端王墓,圹志碑未写蜀王谥号或与继任者"遽奏名封"一事有关。根据墓葬形制及蜀王文集、地方志等文献,凤凰山"蜀王妃"墓应是一座明早期的郡王级墓葬,墓主为崇庆王的可能性更大。结合部分亲王妃、郡王等略低等级墓葬的分布情况,可知蜀藩亲王墓可分为成都北郊、成都东南郊、黄龙溪、仁寿4个墓区。明初蜀王墓的选址经过较严格的规划;僖王使用了尚在郡王位时即已选定的墓址;此后的和王、定王选址较分散,距成都较远;怀王之后均相对集中葬于成都东南郊,或有政令因素的影响。     

Politicians versus Historians: Lord Avon's 'Appeasement Battle' against 'Lamentably, Appeasement-Minded' Historians

In retirement, Sir Anthony Eden, seeking to safeguard the anti-appeaserimage cultivated following his resignation as Neville Chamberlain'sForeign Secretary in 1938, proved extremely sensitive to theway in which his political career was presented in memoirs,biographies, and histories. Eden, who accepted the earldom ofAvon in 1961, saw himself as refighting old politcal battles,except that by the 1960s his attack was directed increasinglyagainst what he described as ‘lament-ably, appeasement-minded’history professors rather than former politicians. During 1966–7objections to Frederick Northedge's The Troubled Giant evenled him at one stage to consider legal action for defamationof character. The ensuing dispute, highlighting Lord Avon'spreoccupation with the verdict of history, illuminated alsothe varying, often conflicting, perspectives adopted towardsthe past by historians and politicians. ^*Earlier versions of this paper were presented to the BISA BritishInternational History Group Conference at the University ofExeter, September 1996, and the Millennium after 25 Years Conferenceat the LSE, October 1996. I am grateful to the Countess of Avon,the Marquess of Salisbury, the Borthwick Institute of HistoricalResearch at the University of York, the Master and Fellows ofChurchill College at Cambridge, and the Archivist of CarmarthenshireRecords Service at Carmarthen, for permission to quote fromthe papers of the first Earl of Avon, The Marquess of Salisbury,the Earls of Halifax, Lord Strang, and Viscount Cilcennin respectively.I am particularly indebted to Muriel Grieve, Professor Northedge'swidow, for assistance in my research and permission to quotefrom her husband's correspondence and publications, as wellas to Sir Bryan Cartledge, who helped Lord Avon with his memoirs.     

也论"社团改进会"--兼谈民初资产阶级革命派与会党关系的转变

社团改进会的成立,是以谭人风为首的部分革命党人力图根据民初形势发展的客观需要,对已经落后于时代潮流的旧式会党进行改造,使其成为一有助于民国的“完善稳定之民党”。谭人凤组建社团改进会决不是为了谋取一己私利,也决不是对某一个当权者的委曲求全,而是为了刚刚成立的中华民国的长治久安,是出于一种对民主共和政体的衷心拥护,出于对这种政治制度能不断得到巩固和完善的期望和信心。评价辛亥革命后革命党与会党关系的转化,不能单纯从会党在辛亥革命中所起的作用着手,而必须对其参与辛亥革命的心态和动机及其在辛亥革命后逆历史潮流的所作所为加以足够的重视;不能过分谴责革命派这样那样的缺点,而必须看到,在当时的历史条件下,它毕竟是中国先进生产力及其生产关系的代表,引领着时代发展的方向。     

Comedy in Paestan vase painting

Summary.   The 'phlyax' vases of magna graecia are now known to represent actors and staging of Middle Comedy. More than half of the comic vases dating from the third quarter of the fourth century BC were painted in Paestum by Asteas and his circle, who were influenced by the Sicilian Painter of Louvre K 240. This paper asks whether these painters worked from direct observation of the theatre; and if so, whether the vases are evidence for details of performance methods in Paestum or in Sicily, and at what period. The stage and skene , masks, costumes and comic acting style are considered, together with the link between Asteas and the Painter of Louvre K 240 and the significance of the disagreement of their evidence with that of the Manfria Group of Sicilian painters.     

In the Palace of the Fallen king: The Royal Residential Complex at Aguateca,Guatemala

Abstract

The Aguateca Archaeological Project extensively excavated two structures (M7-22 andM7-32) in the Palace Group of the Late Classic Maya (A.C. 600–830) center of Aguateca, Guatemala. Multiple lines of evidence, including site layout, architectural features, soil chemistry, objects stored in a sealed room, and abandonment processes, suggest that these were the buildings where the ruler and his family lived and worked. The use of space in these structures shows some similarities to those of the rapidly abandoned elite residences at Aguateca and of palace-type buildings at other Maya centers. The occupants of this royal complex retained a certain level of visibility, indicating the importance of the ruler’s body as the focus of theatrical display. After the royal family evacuated the center, an invading enemy ritually destroyed these buildings, attesting the symbolic importance of the royal residences. The center was almost completely abandoned after this incursion.