构建科学、有效的机制是实现正确政绩观的制度基础

正确的政绩观建立在科学的发展观基础之上,是科学发展观在领导活动中的具体体现.新形势下,适应科学发展观要求的政缋是坚持以人为本及全面、协调、可持续发展的政绩.树立正确的政绩观要靠教育,更要靠制度.政绩观的转变是一个发展过程,理念转变是基础,制度建设是保障.从领导活动的特点来看,影响领导政绩的制度基础主要是:领导决策机制,政绩评价机制、领导干部选用机制等.本文力求从机制的改革和完善入手,在制度建设的层面上探讨了促进领导干部树立和实现正确政绩观的途径.     

建立落实科学发展观的制度体系——青岛市“三个体系”建设的制度设计

实现科学发展观要落实到制度建设上。青岛市大力推进“三个体系”建设,从优化决策目标体系、细化执行责任体系、深化考核监督体系三个方面探索落实科学发展观的制度保障体系。     

落实科学发展观 提高选人用人公信度

落实科学发展观,提高选人用人公信度是新时期干部选拔任用的根本标准。坚持按科学发展观要求选人用人,是营造选人用人良好体制的有效保证。坚持正确的选人用人导向,必须发挥正确选人用人的导向作用。坚持完善和健全选人用人机制,为科学选人用人提供保障,完善干部绩效考核科学体系,注重选人用人在促进发展上的带动力,健全干部选拔人用科学机制,注重选人用人在促进发展上的向心力。     

用“三考”制度提升地税干部队伍素质

夯实税干素质基础是不断推动地税事业大进步、大发展的基础性工作,也是加强基层机关建设的关键。那么实践中如何能够提升税干的素质,培养专业的人才,同时落实工作考核评价体系和干部考核评价体系,经济区地税局在摸索中找到了答案,即考勤、考学、考核“三考”制度。三考制度的本质是使干部的培训更有针对性并且使培训常态化,同时在监督和奖惩机制上下功夫,让税干在日常工作“有为”就“有位”,取得了良好的效果,为地税事业的发展提供了可靠的保障。     

“以人为本”的哲学内涵及其实践意义

“以人为本”是科学发展观的核心理念,是马克思主义科学体系中的重要命题,也是时代精神在当代最生动的体现,具有丰富的哲学内涵,对于树立和落实科学发展观、促进社会主义现代化建设和构建社会主义和谐社会都具有举足轻重的实践意义。     

高校思想政治理论课贯彻落实科学发展观的实践与思考

高校思想政治理论课必须坚持以科学发展观为指导,在教学要求上体现科学发展观,在教学内容上要纳入科学发展观,要不断改进教学方法和手段落实科学发展观。思想政治理论课贯彻落实科学发展观,还必须强化实践教学以增强学生的实践能力,改进考核方式以科学检验学习效果,加大科研工作力度以促进教学科研协调发展。     

高校思想政治理论课贯彻落实科学发展观的实践与思考

高校思想政治理论课必须坚持以科学发展观为指导,在教学要求上体现科学发展观,在教学内容上要纳入科学发展观,要不断改进教学方法和手段落实科学发展观。思想政治理论课贯彻落实科学发展观,还必须强化实践教学以增强学生的实践能力,改进考核方式以科学检验学习效果,加大科研工作力度以促进教学科研协调发展。     

论基于科学发展观的行政文化创新

树立和落实全面、协调、可持续的科学发展观,无疑意味着对未来中国发展战略的重大调整,它势必给目前我国的行政文化带来冲击并提出新的要求。本文从科学发展观的角度,指出了行政文化应该以“以人为本”、社会公正为价值创新的取向,并从行政价值文化、行政制度文化和行政行为文化三方面提出了创新的路径。     

干部政绩考核评价问题研究综述

完善干部政绩考核评价体系,是深化干部人事制度改革、加强干部队伍建设的一项重要举措。近年来有关部门和学术界围绕干部考核评价工作,做了大量的实践探索和理论探讨,在干部考评的重要意义、基本原则、存在问题、实施主体、方式方法以及结果运用等方面取得了一系列成果。     

高职英语检验考核的基本方式设立刍议

英语作为一门国际通用语言,已经受到了社会各个领域的高度重视,英语语言作为高职院校学习阶段一门重要科目,必须得到广大师生的重视,因为学生只有具备了合格的英语语言水平才能在未来的工作中适应岗位发展的需求,才能有所作为,科学的英语语言学习体系少不了正确的考核方法,因为通过正确的考核方法才能达到对学生学习程度的检验,现在的高职院校英语检验考核多数采用期末闭卷考试的方法,通过一张闭卷来衡定学生的学习程度,事实证明这是一种非常不科学的英语检验考核方法,为了确保学生英语学习的有效性,必须采取优化的考核方法全面考核学生的英语学习。本文针对高职英语检验考核展开讨论,分析了高职英语检验考核的基本方式。     

The political geography of macro-level turnout in American political development

Aggregate turnout rates are among the central indicators of democratic performance in the American polity. Despite the considerable implications of macro turnout, however, most studies of turnout focus instead on the micro level. As a consequence, we know little about how local, political, and historical influences have impacted turnout over the course of American political development. The result is a somewhat impoverished conception of turnout that often removes the political from political participation. In this article, I argue for a new, macro-level perspective that highlights the political dimension of turnout by placing turnout in the local political settings in which it has taken place. I contrast two competing explanations of macro turnout variation across local electorates, a political account and Elazar's cultural thesis, and discuss their implications for the political geography of macro turnout in American electoral history. I then examine this political geography by employing a local indicator of spatial association (a LISA statistic) to identify the spatial structuring of macro turnout in the United States from 1828 through 2000. I demonstrate that a political perspective provides greater leverage than Elazar's cultural perspective in explaining the political geography of macro turnout in the United States.     

Social,economic and political dilemmas of reform in Yugoslavia

All of the communist party‐ruled states of Eastern Europe, from the elder brother of the ‘socialist family’, the Soviet Union, to non‐aligned, sui generis Yugoslavia, are in some degree of economic crisis. Gone are the once loudly trumpeted assurances that the socialist ‘economic formation’ by its very nature — its centrally planned and directed economy, its leadership by a communist party armed with the ‘scientific’ social and economic theory of Marxism‐Leninism and its foundation on the principles of proletarian social justice — excluded the possibility of economic ailments such as sluggish growth rates, inflation, social inequality and unemployment. It is now admitted that precisely these problems currently threaten virtually all communist systems. The principal issue for the political elites in these countries (with the perhaps temporary exception of relatively prosperous East Germany and Czechoslovakia and perennially contrary Romania) is not whether radical reform is necessary, but how to implement the requisite economic, social and quasi‐political reforms without undermining the foundations of ‘socialism’ and of the communist party's domination that they identify with it Yugoslavia is a valuable test case of the general project of reform in communist systems, since it consciously undertook to dismantle the of Stalinist system it had been establishing under Soviet tutelage at the end of World War II in response to Stalin's ostracism of Tito in June 1948. From its inception the Yugoslav reform process was informed by a commitment to return to the sources of Marxian social and economic theory in order to build an authentic socialist system untrammeled by the structures and immoral practices of Stalinist ‘etatism’. Worker self‐management, ‘market socialism’, the decentralisation of political and economic decision‐making, periodic rotation in office, and a number of other formally democratic, participatory socio‐political processes, most of which Gorbachev and his supporters have been discussing under the rubric of perestroika, glasnost’ and demokratizatsiia, have all been tried in one form or another in Yugoslavia during the past four decades.     

Italy's political system since 1989

This essay follows the development of the Italian political system over the last twenty-five years, starting from the collapse of the principal political parties that had previously dominated the history of the Republic. In institutional terms, it seems legitimate to describe this as a transition, since the outcomes of initiatives to reform the electoral system, to abolish the previous system of ‘perfect bicameralism’, and reshape relations between the State and the regions are still unknown. But I argue that many fundamental changes in the relationship between the country and its political system were already evident in the 1980s.     

领导者应树立的新领导观

领导者应树立以科学发展观、正确政绩观和科学人才观为内容的新领导观.牢固树立这样的新领导观,是实现全面建设小康社会和构建社会主义和谐社会战略目标的迫切需要,是不断完善党的领导方式和执政方式、提高各级领导干部执政能力和领导水平的必然要求.     

落实科学发展观 加快青海生态经济发展

加快青海生态经济发展,是践行科学发展观的重要举措,是青海实现自然生态系统和社会经济系统良性循环的必然选择。要牢固树立科学发展观,走可持续发展之路,因地制宜地发展各种形式的生态经济。同时,依托青海生态资源优势,积极发展生态农牧业和生态文化旅游业,发展生态工业,转变发展方式,实现青海和谐发展。     

科学发展观视角的农业发展方式转变

转变农业发展方式与实践科学发展观是内在统一的,以科学发展观为统领是转变农业发展方式的灵魂。从科学发展观视角看,关键是在转变上下功夫,通过转变农业发展方式,实现农业又好又快发展,实现以人为本,统筹兼顾,推进农业协调发展     

国民公德与宪政框架——梁启超的政治文明整体发展观

由传统集权政体向现代立宪政体的转换,是梁启超一生的执着追求.梁氏认为,在这一历史性的转换过程中,宪政体制的建构、权力制约机制的确立固然十分重要,但起主导、能动作用的,始终是活生生的人.只有实现人的现代化与政体的现代化同步推进,双向互动,才能较好的实现预期目标,实现政治文明的整体和谐发展.这就是梁启超"政治文明整体发展观"给我们的主要启示.     

长江三角洲区域可持续发展系统的构建——以南京沿江区域为例

本文以科学发展观和综合集成法为指导,在长江三角洲区域发展重点转向沿江区域的大背景下,针对沿江区域的资源属性、产业结构与发展阶段,以南京为实证,构建了南京沿江区域可持续发展系统,其框架结构为目标子系统(沿江区域发展总体规划)、中央处理子系统(资源协调开发、产业协调升级、空间结构协调优化)、支持子系统(生态环境建设、社会环境建设)和约束子系统(制度、政策与法律法规制定,宏观调控与市场监管),并阐述了其具体的建设内容与运行流程,以期为推进长江三角洲沿江区域的发展提供有益的思路与行动框架。     

Young people,place and devolved politics: perceived scale(s) of political concerns among under 18s living in Wales

Despite clear linkages between conceptualisations and perceptions of politics, society, culture and territorial rescaling, research into young people’s political engagement, participation and representation is underrepresented in the field of social and cultural geography. Here the gap is addressed using perceptions of devolved politics, as a form of territorial rescaling, among young people living in Wales. Specifically, it shows the geographical scales at which young people locate their political concerns and where responsibility for these concerns is perceived to lie, with a focus on the National Assembly for Wales and the Welsh Government. This is a key contribution to our understanding of the role devolution plays in youth political engagement in the light of the following: the relative infancy of the devolved U.K. institutions; their asymmetrical development and increasing divergences; the growing variation in turnout among young people for different types of election and referenda; and the lack of research examining the youth engagement dimension of Welsh devolution as a political, social and cultural process of territorial rescaling in the U.K. The paper concludes with a critique of the notion that devolution poses a ‘politics of hope’ for youth political engagement in Wales, a very different picture to Scotland.     

Liminal condition as constant situation,the Israeli Jerusalem municipality, 1948-1955

The capital city is the place where political entities are represented in national space. This space acts as a mediating force between society, the nation, and the outside world, and it is very important for the development of a system of visual national symbols. The political leaders, national and local, are those who shape the capital city. Therefore, examining the relationship between municipal and national political systems in Jerusalem sheds light not only on local history but on national developments and the perception of Jerusalem as the capital in the national psyche. The years 1948-1955 were a very chaotic time in the annals of Jerusalem, Jerusalem became a city divided between Israel and Jordan in a semi-state of war that turned permanent despite the armistice agreements. Israel’s national leaders remained ambivalent about Jerusalem as capital city despite the rhetoric of figures from across the political spectrum. Their ambivalent attitude influenced the relationship with the Jerusalem Municipality. The article addresses the subject of the relations between the national government and the municipal political coalition in Jerusalem from 1948 to 1955.