Mimetic Structuration: Or,Easy Steps to Building an Acceptable Identity1

Since their settlement two millennia ago the Comoro Islanders have been subjected to a diversity of external influences that have provoked significant and often radical social change. This article develops the concept of mimesis to explain how the Comoros have deal with these influences, incorporating and developing them to create cultural and social structures that may appear eclectic but which have equipped the islanders to negotiate these changes quite effectively. As a result of their mimetic praxis, Comorians confront and manage influences both internal and external with the minimum of social upheaval, maintaining a society that is both highly heterogeneous and remarkably enduring.     

Confidence in paper-based and electronic voting channels: evidence from Australia

Various electronic voting channels have been introduced across a range of countries. In some countries these new channels have proved uncontroversial, while in others, they remain contentious and have even been abandoned. Relatively little is known about whether and why voters have confidence in new and old voting channels. Australia provides a useful case for researching these issues, since it is a mature democracy in which election processes and outcomes are widely accepted. The 2013 Australian Election Study results show that in this context, voters have most confidence in paper-based voting and least in voting via smartphones. Positive political attachments, ease of voting and familiarity with technology are all associated with higher levels of confidence in voting channels.     

Ned Kelly Died for our Sins

From time to time scholars have posed the question: why have Australian Aborigines not developed cargo cults with the same intensity and flamboyance as their Melanesian neighbours? This discussion evades the implications that Aborigines may have been negligent in their cultural production of responses to colonisation, and seeks to engage with some of the responses some Aboriginal people actually have made to colonisation. Focussing on stories of Ned Kelly, and contrasting them with stories of Captain Cook, the suggestion here is that Aboriginal people's search for a moral European communicates the challenging and provocative possibility that coloniser and colonised can share a moral history and thus can fashion a just society.     

Proposals for Regional Administrative Structure and Planning in Turkey

On a global scale, the region which not only defines economic but also social unity has been brought once again to the agenda in a manner unlike those of the past, both as a result of globalization and localization tendencies, and with arguments towards formulating a more democratic administrative structure. Conversely, although regional planning and administrative pursuits and debates have ensued in Turkey since its foundation, regional plans have never been effectively administered, a regional administrative structure requiring continuity has not been established and problems requiring solutions at the regional level have increasingly continued their presence. In this study, proposals have been developed for regional planning and regional administration in Turkey, taking into consideration not only global tendencies but also the country's related experiences along with the current circumstances, and spatial unities that would form a basis for these have been defined.     

Multi-element analysis for dietary reconstruction at a balearic Iron Age site

The number of studies using trace elements as indicators of diet has increased with time, but the majority have used few elements and a small sample. The present study has as a principal objective a multi-element analysis of diet in a large sample in which diagenetic changes have been shown to be unimportant. The analysis was made using concentrations of seven elements—Sr, Ba, Mg, Cu, Zn, V and Ca—in 197 individuals from the necropolis of ‘S' Illot des Porros’ (Majorca, Spain). The results show that these individuals would have had a mixed diet with a high meat component, principally of marine origin (molluscs and fish), but with an important consumption of seeds and cereals and a low proportion of vegetables.     

WAC Reflections Through Maori Eyes

For a while now issues surrounding ethics in archaeology have occupied my thoughts, as have case studies of ethical misconduct. In fact a large part of why I gravitated toward archaeology is rooted in past instances of poor ethical practice instigated against my people, and the overwhelming personal need I have, to seek redress and change for Iwi Maori. Part of my commitment to both of these endeavours, is expressed through my association with WAC, with whose present code of ethics and principles i find affinity with.     

中华人民共和国史研究的现状

20世纪80年代初以来,中华人民共和国史研究逐渐在学术界兴起,经过近30年的努力取得了引人瞩目的成果:建立了正式的研究机构和学术团体,形成了具有一定规模的研究队伍;编辑出版了大量档案文献,为学术研究提供了有利条件;发表或出版了大量研究成果,推进了学术研究的深入发展;纳入了国民教育体系,为学术研究的持续发展培养了一批专门人才。今后需要进一步明确学科定位,拓宽研究视野,加强学科建设,挖掘档案文献。     

Income Inequality and Voter Fractionalisation: An Empirical Study of 16 Multi-Party European Democracies

This article empirically investigates relationships between voter fractionalisation and economic inequality, measured by the Gini coefficient of income inequality and a new index of fractionalisation developed for this study. Our main findings are as follows. States with high income inequality have less voter fractionalisation. States with higher GDP per capita have more voter fractionalisation. States with high election thresholds for parliamentary representation have less voter fractionalisation. Eastern European states and states with high unemployment rates have more voter fractionalisation. States with greater ethnic fractionalisation have less voter fractionalisation. Fractionalisation has been greater in recent decades (2000s and 1990s) than earlier decades (1980s).     

党的三代领导人的科技战略思想

在科技落后的发展中国家追赶世界科技先进水平的征程中 ,制定正确的、适合本国国情的科技发展战略起着决定性的作用。新中国成立后的 50年里 ,中共三代领导人为此进行了艰辛的探索 ,在理论上成功地解决了我国科学技术发展的地位、立足点、动力、路径和支撑力量等一系列重大战略问题 ,逐步形成了有中国特色的科技战略思想 ,对中国科学技术事业的迅速崛起起到巨大的指导作用     

Who is the ‘Other‘?: A Postmodern Feminist Critique of Women and Development Theory and Practice

In the last decade poststructural and postmodern critiques have increasingly dominated the world of scholarship. The grand theories of the past have been called into question; universals have been overtaken by particularities and difference. Feminist scholars have reacted to postmodernism in a number of ways. Some reject it outright, while others call for a synthesis of feminist and postmodern approaches. Many scholars and activists concerned with Third World issues, especially poverty and development, have rejected both feminism and postmodernism, dismissing them as First World preoccupations, if not indulgences. This article seeks to explore the relevance of postmodern feminism for Third World problems and analysis, particularly its utility for theorists and practitioners concerned with issues of women and development.     

50年来中国大陆对辛亥革命的纪念与评价

新中国建立 5 0年以来 ,每逢十年一次党和国家以最高规格举行纪念辛亥革命的活动 ,成为全国的重要活动 ,是全国政治生活中的大事。像这样 5 0年一贯进行的政治生活中的大事 ,只有中华人民共和国国庆、中国共产党生日可以与之相比拟。肯定辛亥革命的历史意义是纪念辛亥革命的一个理由 ,但不是惟一的理由。把纪念辛亥革命和祖国统一的现实任务紧密结合起来 ,和建立中华民族最广泛的统一战线联系起来 ,这是现实的政治需要 ,这就是现实的政治。辛亥革命不仅仅是 2 0世纪初期的一次革命运动 ,一次重大的政治事件 ,辛亥革命以其本身的魅力影响了整个 2 0世纪中国的历史进程 ,积淀了近代以来中华民族的革命传统和文化传统 ,成为团结和凝聚中华民族力量的一个重要源泉。由辛亥革命所凝固起来的这样的民族精神是永远需要发扬的     

Associations of people with disabilities in Italy: a short history

Voluntary associations of persons with disabilities have played an important role in bringing issues related to disability onto the national agenda in Italy in the absence of effective provision by the state or representation by other bodies, such as the political parties and trades unions. At the same time, the nature of Italy's welfare state – weak, clientelistic, particularistic – and its way of conceiving disability as a set of bodily deficits has also shaped the character of disabled persons' organisations in Italy and the ways in which they have framed their demands and policies. These organisations have tended either to represent fragmented subsets of people with disabilities or, more recently, to form large federations that, while they reflect a more comprehensive understanding of disability, have left some categories of people with disabilities feeling excluded or under-represented     

Construction Sacrifice,Kidnapping and Head-hunting Rumors on Flores and Elsewhere in Indonesia

Three recent articles have examined head-hunting and kidnapping rumors in connection with construction sacrifice on Borneo and Flores. This paper presents further information on such rumors on Flores and elsewhere in Indonesia which largely confirms their interpretations. However, the argument is made that rather than being a new phenomenon and a product of the colonial era, these rumors may well have been characteristic of Indonesia from ancient times and have typically been associated with offices of political and military potency. Policies and activities of the Dutch near the Solor islands since the seventeenth century may have strongly reinforced suspicions that they were capable of taking heads through local agents.     

Reassessing the special relationship

The resignation of Tony Blair as British Prime Minister and the transition from Bush to Obama in the US mark the end of the second revival of the US–UK special relationship. The classic era of the special relationship began under the Labour government in the 1940s, though it was Winston Churchill who inspired the concept. It ended with the resignation of Harold Macmillan in 1963. Margaret Thatcher revived close personal relations with the US President as a guiding principle of UK foreign policy and Tony Blair successfully revived them again, even though the end of the Cold War had transformed the framework of transatlantic relations. Over the past 60 years US–UK relations have embedded specific security arrangements which have persisted, largely unquestioned, through the ups and downs of political relations at the top: close links between the two countries' armed forces; access to defence technology and procurement; intelligence ties through the UKUSA Agreement; a semi-independent nuclear deterrent and provision of military bases in the UK and its overseas territories. Public debate on the costs and benefits of these links has been limited; successive governments have discouraged a wider debate. The Obama administration enters office with few of the personal ties to Britain and to English culture, which have underpinned the special relationship. Earlier US administrations have approached relations with the UK from the perspective of US interests, while many British political leaders have felt—and have hoped to find in Washington—a sentimental attachment to Anglo–American partnership. British foreign policy would benefit from a reassessment of the structures of US–UK relations in terms of British interests, costs and benefits.     

Cross‐border cooperation: A major element in regional policy in East Central Europe

Borders in East Central Europe have become much more permeable over the past ten years as formalities have been simplified and many new crossing points have opened. At the same time cooperation in border regions has increased, thanks mainly to resourcing through EU ‘Inrerreg’ programmes, to include a range of business, cultural and conservation interests. In many cases these arrangements have been formalised through Euroregions which have become an indicator of good international relations. The paper reviews these trends with reference to examples and pays particular attention to environmental projects and the joint planning initiatives being undertaken in a number of the Euroregions. At a time when regional policy has been generally weak, cross‐border cooperation has contributed significantly to cohesion and it is also a good indicator of stability in the region. However, the impact has been greater in the north than in the Balkans and the first round of EU eastern enlargement will have implications for cooperation across the new external borders.     

Changing scale as changing class relations: variety and contradiction in the politics of scale

This paper argues that changes of scale in political-economic processes are often associated with changes in class relations, articulated by particular class projects, and developed through class struggle. Such ‘jumping of scale’ may be not only an expression of class power but a constitutive element of it. But there is no simple one-to-one relation between scale change and class relations: a particular change in scale at a particular time may have multiple potential class implications. This argument is developed by considering two ‘stylised histories’ within Western Europe during the present long wave of stagnation: shifts of economic governance from the national to the local level, and shifts from the national to the EU level. I argue that in both cases changes in the scale of regulation have been associated with shifts in class relations. But both upward and downward rescaling have been associated with (at least) two class projects, the neoliberal and the social-democratic. Thus not only have the scale changes been contested but the lines of conflict have been complex. The two histories are used to reflect at a more abstract level on the interconnections of scale, class relations and contradictions in accumulation. Developing an argument of Neil Smith, I argue that shifts in scale have been underpinned by a number of fundamental contradictions of capitalist reproduction and the state which open up diverse political possibilities. Class agents intervened into these contradictions, with varied political projects, partly through shifting their scales.     

Austronesian aboriginality or the ritual organization of the state? A controversy on the political dimension of temple networks in early bali

Since early colonial times, Dutch government officials as well as anthropologists have made a distinction between what have been called “Bali Aga”, the allegedly aboriginal inhabitants of Bali (Indonesia), and those inhabitants associated with title‐bearing groups oriented towards royal courts and brahmana ritual specialists. While the former have been described as constituting a society characterized by equality and democracy, the latter have been portrayed as being almost the opposite. This article questions the basic assumptions about the “Bali Aga”, especially the role of their ritual networks focusing on regional temples. These have been interpreted as a demonstration of equality and of a bounded “Bali Aga” ethnicity. This article suggests a different interpretation, one in which the ritual networks are understood as basic segments, not restricted to the Bali Aga, in the ritual organization of the pre‐colonial Balinese state.     

Teaching “notre littérature”: The Place of la littérature québécoise in the Curriculum in Quebec

Recent calls for a greater emphasis on the teaching of Quebec literature from primary school to cégep once more link the teaching of Quebec literature with the survival of a language and a culture. The current debate echoes those which have taken place over the last 100 years, both under the denominational system of education and since the Révolution tranquille. Different pedagogical and ideological factors have influenced not only whether Francophone Canadian literature has been taught, but also what has been taught and how it has been taught. Anxieties about the status, history and definition of “notre littérature” have recurred throughout the century, as have concerns about the relationship between the literature of Quebec and the literature of metropolitan France. This article will discuss the teaching of literature in Quebec since 1900 to conclude with a consideration of the teaching of Francophone Canadian literature in Quebec today.     

The importance of being Ernest: a Comment on Riga and Hall

Ernest Gellner's work on nationalism continues to draw a mix of both admiration and criticism. In a recent article, Riga and Hall find fault with a new line of criticism of Gellner's theory of nationalism that I introduced in a series of articles in this journal. They claim that I have merely repeated a well‐known criticism of Gellner – that his work is functionalist. This would be convenient for their arguments if it were true. While I would agree, and have explicitly acknowledged, that there is nothing new in the charge of functionalism, I do not take a functionalist line on Gellner. Functionalism is not the issue. My work shows that his theory of nationalism is plagued with problems that have little or nothing to do with functionalism.     

The violence of spectacle: Statist schemes to green the desert and constructing Astana and Ashgabat as urban oases

Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan have been home to the most impressive urban development projects in the entire post-Soviet world. Their capitals, Astana and Ashgabat, now boast uniquely monumental architecture and local leaders have invested heavily in ‘green belt’ projects to surround the cities with lush vegetation, as well as developing green and water-laden public spaces. In doing so, elites have drawn on Soviet-era ‘garden city’ idealism, as well as more recent environmental sustainability narratives. Yet these schemes are anything but sustainable. Unfolding on the arid Central Asian steppe, they depend on heavy irrigation, with water diverted from rivers that already fail to meet regional demands. Employing a comparative approach, I ask why and with what effect state planners have sought to craft Astana and Ashgabat as spectacularly green ‘urban oases,’ when their local climates should defy the logic of sustainability. In so doing, I consider urban greening in the two countries as part of a wider phenomenon of statist schemes to green the desert, which have a long and diverse history. Extending the literature on desert greening, I argue that the structural violence they manifest and perpetuate is best understood by attending to how they operate as a form of spectacle.