Blurred lines: the home front,the battlefront,and the wartime relationship between citizens and government in the Republic of Vietnam

In the Republic of Vietnam, the blending of the home and battle fronts shaped the relationship between citizens and their government. Civilians viewed the national government as the institution responsible for various forms of social welfare related to the war and the resulting militarisation of non-combatants’ lives. An examination of citizens’ letters to its ministries shifts the focus from questions of political legitimacy to citizens’ expectations of their government. The role of gender in family and social structures also shaped how Vietnamese civilians perceived their war experiences and their relationships to the government.     

对日和约与朝鲜停战谈判

朝鲜战争的爆发迫使美国最终确定了单独媾和的对日和约新方针,并且期待战局好转而实现对日媾和;美国为了阻止中国出席旧金山会议,在对日和约签订之前采取了拖延谈判的策略;旧金山会议后美国急于停战,而因对日和约在远东陷入困境和被动局面的苏联和中国却决心在停战谈判中坚持强硬的和不妥协的立场,以便在朝鲜战场吸引和消耗美国的力量。这就是在冷战大背景下对日和约与朝鲜停战谈判之间的微妙关系。     

抗战时期的贵阳城市近代化

抗日战争爆发后国民政府政治、经济重心的西移,为贵阳城市近代化的发展提供了历史契机,促进了贵阳城市经济、文化、交通、市政建设、文化教育的发展和价值观念、社会心态的近代变迁,极大推进贵阳城市近代化进程.然囿于军事、政治等非经济动力因素的制约,此时期的贵阳城市近代化只是一种畸形繁荣,未能形成持久、理性的发展.     

Changes in Japanese strategy in 1939–1940 and the internationalization of the Sino–Japanese War

In the early stage of the Sino–Japanese War, Japan was trying hard to limit the conflict to within a scope where it could be resolved bilaterally between only the two nations involved. However, her actual behavior was in stark contrast to her wishful desire to be at peace with the United States, pushing the latter step by step instead in the direction of aiding China and thwarting Japan. Caught in a dilemma created as the United States abrogated the American–Japanese Treaty of Commerce and Navigation, and faced with the changes in the European situation, Japan’s policy makers were eventually pushed by their obsession with the “New East Asian Order” and by their yearning for the “Extended New East Asian Order” which was to include Southeast Asia, deciding to steer the Sino–Japanese War in the direction of “international resolution,” which was just an alternate route to the same goal sought by China. Subsequently, not only did Japan refuse to withdraw from China, she actually took one step further in an expansion southwards, trying to kill several birds with one stone. The war thus spilled over from China to encompass a much greater area. In this process, Japan’s diplomatic corps was often several steps ahead of the military, reflecting the carefully considered background in Japanese policymaking.     

冷战后亚太地缘政治格局与中国安全利益

冷战后,亚太地区地缘政治格局发生重大变化,中国的主导作用和地位进一步加强,中国在亚太的安全利益向纵深发展。同时,随亚太格局变化产生的国际矛盾斗争,对中国的安全利益构成严峻挑战。政治安全利益、军事安全利益、经济安全利益是中国在亚太地区安全利益的核心成分。政治安全利益内容广泛,包括国家统一、民族关系稳定、反对宗教势力渗透、维护政治稳定等;军事安全利益着重表现为捍卫祖国统一、维护领土完整、防范军事威胁以及军控和防止核扩散;经济安全利益涵盖金融安全、稳定的资金来源和良好的投资环境、资源安全特别是能源安全、市场安全、运输线安全、海外投资安全等。     

抗战胜利前后国共日三方互动关系研究

抗战结束前夕,中日双方的军事较量与日本在大局不利时“和平”解决中国问题之企图以及中国内部国共双方着眼于战后之角力相交织,展现出国共日三方互动关系之错综复杂的图景。日军已无法改变其所处之总体被动状况;国民党在局部战场的作战表现有了改观,同时力图遏制中共的扩张;中共向南方敌后发展的军事战略和推动民主联合政府运动的政治战略取得了相当成效。就国共日三方互动关系而言,国共合作对日,国方重正规军事,但因实力所限未有重大进展,中共重敌后蚕食,因广大空间而如鱼得水;日本对国民党的军事压力与政治诱惑并举,同时亦不放弃利用国共矛盾以渔利。日本投降后,国民党虽在战后接收中得到了投降日军的合作与支持,但并未能实现其遏制中共扩张之企图;中共有了较之以往更为有利的态势与国民党争夺中国的主导权,并以其正确的战略战术而成为这场战争最大的赢家;最先发动这场战争的日本则成了最大的输家,以其无条件投降而结束了多年侵华的历史。     

哈佛大学"战时中国"学术研讨会之我见

2002年6月底,在美国哈佛大学举行了一次题为“战时中国”的学术研讨会。会议的主题是战时中国的地方政权与状况。参加会议的学者来自中国、日本、北美和欧洲。值得注意的是,有的学者对日本侵华期间扶植的汪精卫伪南京国民政府和东北伪满洲国的“伪”、傀儡定性提出异议;有的日本学者公开为日本侵华罪行辩护。这种观点,显然是违背历史事实的,也违背了历史研究者所应有的公正的历史道德观和求实的精神。不同国家的学者的不同认识和争论,有助于深化和端正对一些问题的思考和理解。     

“巴蜀文化”研究发韧

"巴蜀文化"作为一个科学命题,是在抗日战争期间正式提出来的。抗战全面爆发后,随着大批高等院校和科学研究机构的内迁,国内许多知名教授和专家学者进入四川,在极为艰难的条件下,坚持科研。其中一些大学者,鉴于四川上古史的复杂性,开始潜心研究有关史料和当时极为有限的考古资料,于是提出"巴蜀文化"的命题,引起国内学术界的热烈讨论和争辩,巴蜀文化研究竟一时蔚然成风,终至成为一个科学命题而为国内外学术界所承认。     

Canadian and American Treatment of the Nikkei, 1890–1949: A Comparison

For many Japanese people, the 49th parallel was only a line on a map, yet there were differences for the Japanese residents in the United States and Canada. The two nations had different concepts of citizenship and constitutions but, in what has been called “hemispheric orientalism,” prejudice knew no border. Both countries severely restricted immigration from Japan. In the United States, immigrants, the Issei, were aliens ineligible for citizenship. Thus, states could deny their access to commercial fishing and the right to own or lease land. Because the American constitution bestows full citizenship on the native-born, their American-born children, the Nisei, could vote and acquire land, but experienced discrimination especially in employment. On paper, the Canadian Issei had more civil rights since they could become naturalized but this provided few advantages apart from the rights to own land and to fish commercially. The Canadian Nisei had no more rights than their parents. In British Columbia, where 95 percent of the Japanese lived, they could not vote and provincial laws and customs denied their access to many occupations. During the Second World War, both nations required all the Nikkei to leave the Pacific Coast, incarcerated some, severely restricted the mobility of others, and proposed to “repatriate” many of them to Japan. Drawing mainly on the previous scholarship which has examined specific themes, time periods, or comparisons, this article offers an overview of how between the 1890s and the 1940s the effects of prejudice varied more in detail and timing than in principle even though formal consultation between the two nations was sporadic.     

论湘西会战和芷江受降的历史地位

在中国抗日战争和世界反法西斯战争胜利的前夕,湖南发生了两件大事:湘西会战和芷江受降。这两件大事对中国乃至世界都有重要的历史意义,足以彪炳史册。     

Wading into the stream of Chinese life: the life and missionary career of Roderick Scott in China, 1916–1949

The legacy of Western Christian missionaries to China during the early twentieth century has often been debated by historians, being judged both positively and negatively. Yet, the truth is usually more complex. In examining the lives of Roderick and Agnes Scott, two American missionaries and educators who were active in Fuzhou from 1916–1949, the historian can see how the interaction between Western Christianity and Chinese culture played out in at least one instance, and observe how one American couple developed a growing affinity for the Chinese people and their culture, which gradually led them to the role of interpreters and advocates on behalf of the Chinese during and following World War II. Yet the papers of Roderick Scott also provide examples of the complex relationship between the Chinese and resident foreigners during these years. They document the rise of anti-foreigner sentiment in the 1920s, the debates over the Sinicization of western institutions in the years that followed, the solidarity displayed by foreign missionaries toward the Chinese during the years of the Sino–Japanese War, and their great reluctance to leave China following the revolution of 1949.     

抗战时期贵州人口变迁对社会的影响

抗战时期,中国出现了一场自东向西的人口大迁徙,随着大量人口及政府机关、厂矿、企业、文教团体迁入西部地区,给当地的经济、政治、思想文化产生很大影响,这些影响对于促进贵州社会进步与发展起到很大作用。     

A research report on Japanese use of chemical weapons during the Second World War

This research report introduces the historical process of Japanese use of chemical weapons against the Chinese during the Second World War, which caused serious casualties and mass destruction. In addition, it also elaborates on the discarded chemical weapons' injuries to the Chinese people and their negative effects on environmental pollution. According to the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC), which became effective in 1997, Japan should take responsibility for destroying all chemical weapons abandoned on Chinese territory.     

抗日战争时期日本在台湾的公债政策研究

抗战时期日本在中国台湾发行了大量的公债,并利用金融机构进行吸纳,从而制约了台湾经济的发展,掠夺台湾人民,并将台湾经济纳入日本战时经济体系之中。     

Soviet–Japanese relations and the strategic interests of the Guomindang and the CCP – Chiang Kai‐shek's planning of sanctions against the CCP in 1943

When in 1943 the Guomindang launched its third wave of anti‐communist campaigns, Mao Zedong considered that Chiang Kai‐shek had acted in the belief that Japan would soon invade the Soviet Union. Hitherto, Chinese historians have either ignored Mao's judgment or failed to provide convincing explanations for it. There are two reasons for this attitude: first, historians have failed to appreciate the strategic implications of the relationship between the Soviet Union and Japan for relations between the Guomindang and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP); and second, relevant evidence regarding the events has not been available in document on Chiang. This essay answers questions raised by both points. Most commentators have claimed that this third anti‐Communist push ended by the middle or late July of 1943. However, Chiang in fact continued to make plans to mop up Shaanbei (the Communist‐controlled northern Shaanxi area) and impose sanctions on the Communists. The formulation, revision and eventual abandonment of Chiang's plans are also addressed in this essay.     

‘The warrior has always shewed himself greater than his weapons’: the Royal Navy’s interpretation of the Russo-Japanese War 1904–5

During the Russo-Japanese War, British naval attachés serving with the Japanese produced a series of reports on both technical and cultural aspects of the conflict. In seeking to explain the Japanese successes, the attachés compared and contrasted their hosts with themselves, Royal Navy and Britain more generally. These reports offer a rare insight of the cultural preconceptions of Royal Navy officers prior to the First World War, presenting explicitly the norms and beliefs that served to unite the service. Recovering these collective understandings helps to illuminate the decision-making processes that took place within the Royal Navy both prior to and during the First World War.