尼克松政府对以色列核计划的反应

以色列至迟在1958年前即已启动其核计划,大约在1968年前后已事实上具备核能力。鉴于美国政府长期宣称防止核扩散是其对外政策的一个重要目标,它当时究竟如何看待和处理以色列这个中东主要盟友的核武计划,一直是一个重要的未解之谜。新近开放的美国外交档案表明,在以色列跨过核门槛的关键时期,尼克松政府对以色列核计划所持的立场经历了一个蜕变过程。美国国务院和国防部最初主张尽可能遏止以色列核项目,继而转变为有条件地接受,最后则认可了尼克松和基辛格支持以色列核项目的立场。美国政府内部的立场最终统一,一方面是因为以色列核能力已经成熟,难以轻易逆转;另一方面是因为主要决策者出于其中东战略和国内政治考虑,无意因此影响美以同盟关系的大局。美国在核扩散问题上所奉行的双重标准,显然不利于全球防扩散事业。     

亚伯拉罕·考夫曼医生与哈尔滨犹太社区

亚伯拉罕·考夫曼不仅是哈尔滨,而且是整个中国乃至远东锡安主义运动的领导人,为锡安主义运动做了大量工作,使哈尔滨锡安主义运动成为世界锡安主义运动的重要组成部分。而作为杰出的社会活动家,他领导哈尔滨犹太社区,为哈尔滨犹太社区的政治、经济、文化、慈善事业鞠躬尽瘁,为哈尔滨中犹人民的友谊做出了重要贡献。     

第一次石油危机中日本对中东政策的转折

在第一次石油危机期间,中东产油国把石油武器不仅对准支持以色列的美国等国家,也对准了持“中立”政策的日本等国家。日本一方面面临中东产油国不断加大压力,国内经济出现混乱,另一方面担心得罪美国而影响日美同盟关系,不敢轻举妄动。最后,为了维持以石油为主要能源的日本经济正常运转,日本政府不得不放弃“中立”政策,转而公开支持阿拉伯国家正义事业,并且提供巨额资金及技术援助中东有关国家,加强与中东有关国家关系,确保中东石油平稳供应。     

20世纪伊朗与以色列关系评析

本文认为,巴列维时期伊朗与以色列结成“外围联盟”,共同应对苏联的威胁和激进阿拉伯国家的挑战。伊朗伊斯兰教革命后,尽管霍梅尼从意识形态出发强烈反对以色列,但因各自国家安全利益的需要,两伊战争期间伊以仍然保持着秘密武器交易。随着冷战后苏联的解体和伊拉克在海湾战争中被削弱,共同的敌人消失了,伊以为争夺在中东地缘政治中的优势地位展开了激烈竞争甚至对抗,伊朗以反对中东和平进程和支持阿拉伯激进组织来对付以色列;而以色列则竭力把伊朗排除在中东和平进程之外,大力渲染伊朗伊斯兰原教旨主义和伊核计划对中东稳定及世界和平的威胁,以引起美国等西方国家对伊朗的关注、制裁,甚至军事打击,保持以色列在中东的强国地位。     

20世纪70年代以来美国新基督教右翼运动探析

新基督教右翼,是指美国宗教,特别是基督教新教中一些积极参与政治事务和社会事务的宗教保守派。20世纪70年代以来美国新基督教右翼组织主要派别有道德多数派、基督教联盟等。美国新基督教右翼势力的主要观点是：在国际问题上,主张强权政治,认为只有通过军事手段才能保证和平;认为以色列国是《新约圣经》启示的体现,美国应全力支持以色列。在意识形态上,坚决反对共产主义。在国内问题上,重视传统家庭价值,反对堕胎合法化,主张教育私有化和地方化;相信美国是一个被上帝“捡选”的国家,认为好政府应建立在《圣经》原则的基础之上。新基督教右翼对当今美国社会各个方面都起着不可忽视的作用。     

浅析中东路事件的发动

1929年发生在我国东北的中东路事件,是中国近现代史上一件由中国方面主动挑起的对外事件,也是张学良执掌东北政权后进行的第一次大规模的对外军事行动。中东路事件的发动主要是张学良自我意识膨胀,错误判断形势和南京政府出于多种目的,支持张学良收回中东路主权而引起的。     

第一次石油危机的台前幕后

正中东地区作为世界储油最丰富的地区,在二战后成为世界石油能源主要的出口地区,控制着西方发达国家的经济命脉。而中东地区的矛盾复杂多变,首当其冲的阿以问题就难以解决,二战后,引发了五次大规模的中东战争。在阿以战争中,阿拉伯国家由于军事力量的薄弱,在与美国支持的以色列作战时,总体上处于劣势地位,以色列在战争后不断地扩大领土范围,巴勒斯坦地区的人民权益受到严重损害。在1973年10月爆发的第四次中     

20世纪50年代美国的中东政策——从欧米加计划到艾森豪威尔主义的诞生

艾森豪威尔主义是20世纪50年代美国艾森豪威尔政府出台的中东政策,旨在引导部分阿拉伯国家参与其全球遏制战略,共同抵御苏联对中东地区的渗透,它构成了其后几十年美国中东政策的基础.而艾森豪威尔主义是在欧米加计划不能有效处理中东问题的基础上诞生的,是对欧米加计划的公开阐明,这突出体现了美国中东政策的连续性.     

美国对以色列的政策及美以关系的发展（1948-1958）

以色列是在美国的支持下建立的。战后,美国通过插手巴勒斯坦事务,逐步从英国手中夺取处理该地区事务的主动权。在以色列建国伊始,美国给予这一新生国家巨大的帮助。但在战略上,美国并未将以色列视作特别重点考虑对象。在第二次中东战争结束以后,以色列开始受到特别关注,其在美中东战略中的地位和作用日渐突出。本文利用美国解密的档案材料及国内外学者的有关著述,对以建国初期(1948至1958年)美国对以色列的策略及美以关系的发展进行梳理与分析,希望有助于深刻理解美以特殊战略关系的形成及美以关系发展的现状。     

犹太复国主义运动的兴起初探

本文主要研究了犹太复国主义产生的历程,揭示了她出现在历史舞台的的必然性。"犹太问题"是个古老的国际性问题,尤其在欧洲更是如此。犹太复国主义运动的发展对现代以色列国家的建立和世界犹太人地位的提升具有极大的意义。因此,研究犹太复国主义运动产生的历史背景和历程能够为使我们更准确地把握当代犹太民族问题,为研究中东的巴以冲突提供一定的智力支撑。     

Ideology and Realpolitik: East German Attitudes towards Zionism and Israel

Over several decades, the East German stance towards Israel was marked by condemnation of Zionism, a unilateral position on the Arab-Israeli conflict and denial of reparations and restitution claims. This position had its ideological background in the communist approach to the “Jewish question,” anti-Semitism and nationalism, while the most important criterion in shaping attitudes towards Israel was the incorporation of the German Democratic Republic's Middle East policy into the foreign policy of the Soviet Union and the Warsaw Pact. In addition, the East German political elite followed its own political interests when it tried to break through the West German Hallstein doctrine with the help of some Arab countries.     

From Cowards and Subversives to Aggressors and Questionable Allies: US Army Perceptions of Zionism since World War I

For most of the twentieth century, the attitudes and policies of the US army were consistently anti-Zionist. From World War I into the 1950s, army anti-Zionism was inextricably interrelated with a mutually reinforcing anti-Semitism that ranged from political and ethnic bias to extremist versions of biological racial and conspiratorial thinking. Army officers perceived Zionist objectives in the Middle East as detrimental to America's national interest regarding wartime security and geopolitical stability in a crucial region, as well as concerning oil resources and communist containment. In supporting Zionism and later Israel, America Jews revealed their suspected disloyalty. Although anti-Semitic concepts gradually disappeared from official army analyses, striking continuities remained in the army's anti-Zionist position. Until the end of the Cold War, the army rejected the “special relationship” argument based upon shared values or Israel as a military asset. The image of the cowardly, weak Jew incapable of establishing and defending a Jewish state in Palestine had been replaced by that of a militarily superior, potentially aggressive Israel destabilizing a strategic area.     

The Islamic Republic of Iran and the Holocaust: Anti-Semitism and Anti-Zionism

Iran espouses the most radical anti-Israeli or anti-Zionist position in the Muslim Middle East, calling for the elimination of Israel. Drawing on anti-Jewish traditions in Shi^ci Islam, Ayatollah Khomeini, founder of the Islamic Republic, maintained that Zionism is the culmination of the Jewish-Christian conspiracy against Islam and undermines its historical mission. Fusing together Islamic and European anti-Jewish and anti-Zionist ideologies, Iran became a disseminator of Holocaust denial in the Middle East and a sponsor of Western Holocaust deniers. Iran's Holocaust denial, which aims at demolishing the legitimacy of the Jewish state, denies Jewish history and deprives the Jews of their human dignity by presenting their worst tragedy as a scam.     

A Historical Inevitability?: Kissinger and US Contacts with the Palestinians (1973–76)

This article examines Henry Kissinger's role in shaping US strategy towards the Palestinian issue between 1973 and 1976, focusing a series of direct and indirect covert contacts with the Palestine Liberation Organization and its representatives during these years. Although scholars have correctly noted that Kissinger's Middle East policy concentrated on reconciling Israel with the Arab states, particularly Egypt, these contacts suggest an intent to keep open the possibility of bringing the PLO into negotiations with Israel.     

Walking the Middle of the Peace Road? The Emergence of JCall in France

On 3 May 2010, a ‘Call to reason’ (Appel à la raison) was presented to the European Parliament in Brussels by a number of prominent figures from European Jewish political and intellectual classes, launching JCall, which is supposedly the European version of the US J Street. JCall explicitly positions itself as pro-Israel on one hand but against the Israeli state's occupation and increased settlement of Palestine, including East Jerusalem, on the other hand. The ‘reason’ it calls for is thus a negotiated two-state settlement to the Israeli–Palestinian conflict and the organisation urges EU governments to apply pressure on both Israel and the Palestinian Authority to this end. This article looks at JCall within the French context, first in distinction to J Street in the USA, with which JCall shares a political position but not organisational links, and second in relation to the broader French political debate about Jewishness, Muslimness and the Middle East. Criticised by the right for its supposed disloyalty to Israel and even ‘anti-Semitism’, and by the left for its non-support of boycott, divestment and sanctions and its ongoing support of the Israeli state, JCall at first appears as somewhat middle-of-the-road in the French context. It also, from this writer's point of view, regrettably lacks a strong female presence or gendered perspective. It has, however, emerged as a serious political voice in the debate over the Middle East and could be less of a lightweight in the French political battles over Israel and Palestine than it may have first appeared.     

从犹太复国主义到后犹太复国主义

犹太复国主义作为一种社会思潮和政治思潮,同早期的犹太宗教文化存在各种内在联系。现代犹太复国主义容纳了不同的犹太思想流派,并赋予犹太教中的返乡复国以时代内涵,借此实现了古老弥赛亚观念的现代复活。以色列建国后,犹太多数派中的强硬思潮长期制约着以色列和犹太复国主义的走向。后犹太复国主义是后冷战时代以色列犹太社会中出现的一种新思潮。它对以色列的犹太种族特征和发展方向及其对阿拉伯人的政策等提出了一系列批判性新观点。尽管后犹太复国主义思潮尚未摇撼传统和极端犹太复国主义在以色列政府决策中的话语权,但它却对未来以色列政治的发展构成了不容忽视的潜在影响。     

Text,Tribulation and Testimony: The Bible in the Context of the Current Middle East

Abstract

In this article Clare Amos looks at some of the ways that the interpretation of the Bible has affected or might affect the current situation in Israel/Palestine. She explores the question using her own experience in the region as a backdrop. Particular attention is given to the dilemma confronted by Christian Palestinians in view of the way that the Old Testament has been used in some strands of Christian Zionism. She also looks in some detail at the story of Hagar and Ishmael in view of their important place in Islamic and Arab tradition. A distinctive reading of Gen. 15 and 16 is offered which suggests that the biblical writers ‘wrote in’ a demand for justice for Hagar and her descendants in the fabric of the covenant with Abraham. The author argues that the recovery of the importance of the ‘other’ (as in the work of Emmanuel Levinas) is important both for Christianity and Judaism.     

The Rise and Fall of ‘Mediterranean Atlanticism’ in Italian Foreign Policy: the Case of the Near East

The article aims at studying the reasons for the new way of looking at the Palestinian-Israeli conflict by the Italian political world: the mutual recognition of Israel and the Vatican, the visit to Jerusalem by the leader of the formerly fascist party, Mr. Gianfranco Fini, and the beginnings of a movement of interest towards the Jewish State also within the political left. From a historical viewpoint, anti-Semitism in Italy found its origins in the Church's attitude toward the ‘deicide people’. Beginning with WWI, to this position was added the worry that the Holy Places might fall under Jewish control. From those times dates the Holy See's evermore manifest liking for the Arab populations of Palestine. Nowadays the line of conduct of the Church has as its basic objective the defense of Christian minorities in the Middle East, and for this reason it maintains dialogues with all actors in the region. The weight of the Church influenced also the attitude of the Italian State, even though from its inception the latter had to make adjustments because of other international requirements. This multiple subordination caused the different republican governments to always keep an official equidistant stance among the conflicting parties in the Near East. Behind this apparent neutrality, however, the feelings of benevolence for the Arab countries and the Palestinians have gradually intensified. Italian leaders have been trying to conduct a Mediterranean policy on the borders of the Western alliance, and their feelings have been oriented in consequence. During the 1970s, the governments went as far as to conclude a secret pact with Palestinian terrorists, to avoid terror acts on the Peninsula in exchange for some freedom of action. And in the mid-eighties the Craxi government did not hesitate to challenge the US in order to guarantee the continuity of that line of conduct. On that occasion Craxi, speaking in Parliament, compared Arafat to Mazzini. The end of the Yalta-established order has modified the traditional data of Italian foreign policy. However, the increased attention paid to Israel has also other causes: the changed attitude of the Church after the civil war and the Syrian occupation in Lebanon, events which both caused difficulties for the consistent Christian minorities; the hope that the Oslo process could reward the Italian ‘clear-sightedness’; last, but not least, the quarrelsome internal politics that make the Palestine conflict a mirror of the Roman conflicts. Lastly, the article connects the recent goodwill for Israel with the threats of Islamic terrorism in Italy. A political opinion trend would revisit the Middle Eastern conflict as the upturned perspective of a ‘clash of civilizations’ already existent nowadays. And a possible act of terrorism in Italy might give to this opinion a mass basis.     

Gender and feminist geographies in the Middle East

This article aimed to review the research carried out in the Middle East primarily on gender and feminist geography and also on place formation, urban space, movement and mobility in the social and political sciences. This aim turned out to be challenging primarily because of the colonial and post-colonial history of the region that continues to have a profound effect on the development of academic knowledge among Middle Eastern scholars as well as a restricted accessibility to material published inside the Middle East. Despite this, the article primarily focuses on feminist research on Middle Eastern women done by Middle Eastern scholars and published in Middle Eastern journals and books primarily in Arabic (and Hebrew in Israel). However, during the process of reviewing a large variety of articles, book chapters and books that exist on Middle Eastern women, we realized that it is sometimes difficult and rather artificial to review the material with only this division in mind. In the end, we reviewed the literature on gender and feminism in the Middle East mainly highlighting local published research and also briefly referring to research published in the West by both Westerners and local researchers. The article begins with presenting its research methodology. It then analyzes the website and literature review that we carried out on the contexts, frameworks and themes of gender and feminist geography and spatial research in the Middle East with particular attention on the research carried out in Israel/Palestine. We focus on the private–public spheres; migration and diaspora and the veil as key concepts in analyzing the literature in this section. In the last section, we explain the reasons for the limitations on gender and feminist research in geography inside the Middle East and mention some general conclusions.