Nationalism and the Internet*

ABSTRACT. The territorial integrity of nations is often taken as the premise for a functioning, unifying national identity. Yet, the economic and technological developments of recent decades have made it necessary to question this assumption. It can no longer be taken for granted that the people who identify with a given nation inhabit the same space, nor can it be assumed that cultural homogenisation takes place at the level of the nation through mass media. When the Internet appeared, many social scientists and commentators predicted that it would threaten the cultural integrity of nations; that the non‐territorial character of the Internet would lead to fragmentation and unprecedented cultural differentiation, making it difficult, eventually impossible, to uphold a collective sense of national identity based on shared images, representations, myths and so on. Although it is too early to draw any conclusions regarding the long‐term effects of the Internet, experiences so far suggest that such predictions were mistaken. In fact, nations thrive in cyberspace, and the Internet has in the space of only a few years become a key technology for keeping nations (and other abstract communities) together. Nations which have lost their territory (such as Afrikaner‐led South Africa), nations which are for political reasons dispersed (such as Tamil Sri Lanka or Kurdistan), nations with large temporary overseas diasporas (such as Scandinavian countries, with their large communities in Spain during winter), or nations where many citizens work abroad temporarily or permanently (such as India or Caribbean island‐states), appear in many sites on the Internet – from online newspapers and magazines to semi‐official information sites and ‘virtual community’ homepages. In a ‘global era’ of movement and deterritorialisation, the Internet is used to strengthen, rather than weaken, national identities.     

Nationalism and the Hebrew Bible*

Abstract. The Hebrew Bible, though generally seen mainly as a religious document, has also provided models of secular national identity. A number of biblical motifs have been revived in modern cultural nationalism: for example, the importance of moral regeneration, attacks on internal and external enemies of the nation, and the unification of disparate groups despite geographic dislocation. The Hebrew Bible also anticipates various forms of conflict in modern national identity: between the individual and the group, chosenness and egalitarianism, the narrowly national and the universal. In the two centuries after the invention of printing, the Hebrew Bible in vernacular translation had a decisive influence on the evolution of nationalism, particularly in Britain. The Bible was essential in the culture of empires but also, paradoxically, inspired defeated, suppressed and colonised people to seek freedom. A number of modern national poets, notably Whitman and the Hebrew poets Bialik and Greenberg, adopt a free verse neo‐prophetic mode of expression. The Hebrew Bible can, therefore, be read as the archetypal, and most influential, national document from ancient times to the rise of modern nationalism.     

Nationalism,liberalism and liberal nationalism in post-war Croatia*

This article analyses ethnic nationalism and liberalism as expressed in the views of Croatians in the aftermath of the 1991–5 war – a war during which ethnic-nationalist rhetoric played a large role. Because the war was part of systemic change in the nation, including the adoption of more democratic and capitalist social formation, we also anticipated economic and political liberalism to be present among a sizeable portion of the population. We provide an analysis of the structural conditions fostering these sentiments, an analysis potentially applicable to a range of societies presently in transition. Based on 1996 survey interviews (N=2,202) conducted throughout Croatia, we show that ethnic nationalism in the Croatian context is more widely shared than is liberalism. The effect of religious fundamentalism, educational attainment and media exposure are as predicted, based on theories of liberalism and nationalism. Wartime experiences and position in the occupational system have a weaker and more mixed influence than hypothesised. Perhaps most importantly, we find that three out of five Croatians embrace both ethnic-national views and views that are distinctly liberal, suggesting that liberal nationalism is now dominant in Croatia. The characteristics of groups holding differing views suggest that recent events and current changes in Croatia bode positively for continued growth of liberal sentiments, but this will not necessarily be at the expense of ethnic nationalism.     

Nationalism and nostalgia: the case of radical Basque nationalism*

Abstract. This article argues that the myth of the Golden Age is a key mobilising element within radical Basque nationalism. By using an ethno‐symbolist approach, this article argues that nostalgia, a catchword for looking back, usually relates to an idealised past. It then proceeds to explain how ETA in particular has domesticated the past to justify its political violence which is currently exalted as a means of honouring the fighting spirit of their ancestors. From this perspective, violence is presented as a redemptive act that can stop the decay of the Basque nation and bring a new political future in which the inspiring ancient virtues will be rediscovered. This nostalgic gaze upon the past continually ‘reminds’ radical Basque nationalists of an imaginary, yet familiar, past which can only be regained by using revolutionary violence.     

Notions in Nationalism

Abstract. The French Revolution and the Romantic Movement subscribed to a common objective, the reintegration of a fractured society. That required establishing the peculiar identity of each nation, its origins and extent – all defined in cultural and psychological rather than, as hitherto, in juridical terms. This shift turned nationalism into a system and in doing so conferred new meanings on the vocabulary of politics. Derived from philosophers and philologists, the changes were conveyed to the people at large by historians through the educational system. They thus fixed the meanings in the public consciousness and underwrote the legitimacy of the national mission.     

不如去斐济

转动地球仪,会看到南太平洋中央有一片“倒U形”的岛屿,那里就是斐济。斐济在澳洲东面,新西兰北面,由322个岛屿组成,其中106个有人居住,还有一些则被开发成了有五星级酒店和各种现代化休闲设施的度假海岛,甚至还有只接待一个家庭的奢华私人度假海岛。     

Legitimacy and democracy in Fiji

Kenneth Bain. Treason at 10: Fiji at the Crossroads. Auckland: Hodder & Stoughton, 1989. xvi + 236 pp. $NZ34.95.

T.P. Bayliss‐Smith, Richard Bedford, Harold Brookfield and Marc Latham. Islands, Islanders and the World: the Colonial and Post‐colonial Experience of Eastern Fiji. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988. xvii + 323 pp. $102.00.

Eddie Dean and Stan Ritova. Rabuka: No Other Way. Moorebank: Doubleday, 1988. 174 pp. $12.95.

Brij V. Lal. Power and Prejudice: The Making of the Fiji Coup. Wellington: New Zealand Institute of International Affairs, 1988. viii + 204 pp. $NZ10.00.

Satendra Prasad (ed.) Coup and Crisis: Fiji — A Year Later. North Carlton: Arena Publications, 1988. 119 pp. $9.95.

Robert T. Robertson and Akosita Tamanisau. Fiji: Shattered Coups. Leichardt: Pluto Press, 1988. xviii + 198 pp. $11.95

Deryck Scarr. Fiji: The Politics of illusions: The Military Coups in Fiji. Kensington: New South Wales University Press, 1988. xvii + 161 pp. No price given.     

海洋天堂 斐济海底探秘(上)

很小的时候,就听大人讲《哪吒闹海》的故事,知道海底下有个海龙宫,过了没多久,自己又看了《西游记》的故事,知道齐天大圣孙悟空向海龙王借了海龙王的定海神针当兵器,知道海龙王就住在海龙宫里,海龙宫里还有许多虾兵蟹将和宫女。从此之后,我就望着星星在想,有朝一日,我也要到海龙宫去看看。海洋世界——一个充满神奇幻想的世界,探索海底奥秘也就成了我多年的梦想。     

Nationalism,economic crisis and ‘realistic revolution’ in 1980s Mexico*

ABSTRACT. This article examines how the Mexican state drew upon nationalist discourse for legitimacy following the 1982 debt crisis. The analytical framework situates Mexico within the context of Latin American nationalism and explores the structural and conjunctural factors that contributed to the endurance and effectiveness of Mexican revolutionary nationalism as a hegemonic nationalist discourse. Historical commemorations during the Miguel de la Madrid administration (1982–88) are then examined to show how the state evoked nationalist motifs as it dealt with economic crisis, pressure from the USA, domestic political opposition and the implementation of neoliberal reforms. The relative effectiveness of sometimes counterintuitive appeals to nationalist legitimacy is found to be neither wholly ‘rational’ nor ‘irrational’, in this case having its basis in a history of elite and popular negotiation through the revolutionary nationalist framework, the continuity of the post‐revolutionary Partido de la Revolución Institutional (PRI) state model and the lack of a viable competing paradigm.