共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
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Chapurukha M. Kusimba 《African Archaeological Review》2004,21(2):59-88
African archaeology has primarily been concerned with precolonial Africa. Consequently, the archaeology of colonial and postcolonial Africa has been neglected, in spite of the fundamental importance of how Africa's relationships with Eurasia after 1488 shaped its history. Although the slave trade was an important aspect of post-sixteenth century experiences of Africans, current research methodologies make the archaeology of slavery in Africa nearly impossible because evidence of the slave trade or slavery--including slave quarters, cemeteries, holding areas, shackles, and dungeons--can be interpreted in various ways. In this article I argue that the archaeology of slavery and the slave trade in Africa is possible. Like history and economics, archaeology is well placed to investigate slavery in Africa as it already does effectively in the Americas. Using the study of defensive rock shelters in Southeast Kenya as an example, I propose that the systematic archaeology of slavery in Africa is not only possible, but also should break new grounds and develop an innovative methodology for studying slavery. L'archéologie africaine a été principalement concernée par l'Afrique précoloniale. Par conséquent, l'archéologie de l'Afrique coloniale et postcoloniale a été oubliée, malgré l'importance fondamentale de la façon dont les rapports de l'Afrique avec Eurasia après 1488 ont tracé son histoire. Bien que le commerce d'esclaves soit un aspect important des expériences africaines du post-seizième siècle, les méthodologies courantes de recherches rendent l'archéologie de l'esclavage en Afrique presque impossible car l'évidence du commerce ou de l'esclavage - comprenant les quarts, les cimetières, les camps, des cachots, et des donjons des esclaves - peut être interprété de diverses manières. Dans cet article, j'argue du fait que l'archéologie de l'esclavage et le commerce d'esclaves en Afrique est possible. Comme l'histoire et les sciences économiques, l'archéologie est bien placée pour effectuer l'étude de l'esclavage en Afrique comme elle l'est déjà efficacement en Amérique. En utilisant l'étude des abris rocheux défensifs au Kenya du sud-est comme exemple, je propose que la systématique de l'archéologie de l'esclavage en Afrique est non seulement possible, mais devrait également permettre de franchir de nouveaux pas et de développer une méthodologie innovatrice dans l'étude de l'esclavage. 相似文献
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Josef C. Brada, The European Community and Czechoslovakia, Hungary, and Poland. Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty Report on Eastern Europe.
de Weydenthal, Jan B., Czechoslovakia, Hungary, and Poland Gain Associate Membership in the EC. Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty Research Report.
Agra Europe . Weekly issues.
East Europe Agriculture and Food Monthly .
EC Documents & Regulation (Number 34) . 相似文献
de Weydenthal, Jan B., Czechoslovakia, Hungary, and Poland Gain Associate Membership in the EC. Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty Research Report.
Agra Europe . Weekly issues.
East Europe Agriculture and Food Monthly .
EC Documents & Regulation (Number 34) . 相似文献
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Richard E. Downs 《Reviews in Anthropology》2013,42(1-4):273-276
MacGaffey, Wyatt. Religion and Society in Central Africa: The BaKongo of Lower Zaire. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1986. xi + 295 pp. including photographs, references, index, and glossary. $45.00 cloth; $16.95 paper. DeVos, George A., and Takao Sofue, eds. Religion and Family in East Asia. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986. ix + 267 pp. including chapter references and index. No price. 相似文献
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Nicole Boivin Alison Crowther Richard Helm Dorian Q. Fuller 《Journal of World Prehistory》2013,26(3):213-281
The Indian Ocean has long been a forum for contact, trade and the transfer of goods, technologies and ideas between geographically distant groups of people. Another, less studied, outcome of expanding maritime connectivity in the region is the translocation of a range of species of plants and animals, both domestic and wild. A significant number of these translocations can now be seen to involve Africa, either providing or receiving species, suggesting that Africa’s role in the emergence of an increasingly connected Indian Ocean world deserves more systematic consideration. While the earliest international contacts with the East African coast remain poorly understood, in part due to a paucity of archaeobotanical and zooarchaeological studies, some evidence for early African coastal activity is provided by the discovery of early hunter-gatherer sites on offshore islands, and, possibly, by the translocation of wild animals among these islands, and between them and the mainland. From the seventh century, however, clear evidence for participation in the Indian Ocean world emerges, in the form of a range of introduced species, including commensal and domestic animals, and agricultural crops. New genetic studies demonstrate that the flow of species to the coast is complex, with more than one source frequently indicated. The East African coast and Madagascar appear to have been significant centres of genetic admixture, drawing upon Southeast Asian, South Asian and Middle Eastern genetic varieties, and sometimes yielding unique hybrid species. The biological patterns reflect a deeply networked trade and contact situation, and support East Africa’s key role in the events and transformations of the early Indian Ocean world. 相似文献
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John Bower 《Journal of World Prehistory》1991,5(1):49-82
In East Africa, as in many other regions, the initial shift from hunting and gathering to food production was a secondary process involving the introduction of species domesticated elsewhere. Specifically, the East African Neolithic, or Pastoral Neolithic, centered on herding livestock, some of which may have been domesticated in the Sahara and all of which were almost certainly imported from areas to the north. The development of the Pastoral Neolithic was lengthy and complex, having begun before 4000 B.P. and lasted until about 1300 B.P. Although detailed information on this segment of African prehistory is not abundant, data so far available reveal a succession of cultural transformations within the Pastoral Neolithic, such that it can be divided into early, evolved, and late stages, each exhibiting distinctive combinations of ceramic wares, lithic industries, and subsistence regimes. The transformations seem to have been fostered by both environmental change and population movements. 相似文献
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Pamela R. Willoughby 《African Archaeological Review》1993,11(1):3-20
East Africa, the region where Merrick Posnansky started his professional career, has long been accepted as the major centre for the study of the origins of hominids and their technological systems. Recently, human geneticists and some palaeoanthropologists have also proposed an African origin for anatomically modern humans (Homo sapiens sapiens), although much of the proof cited is from non-African sources — mainly Europe and the Middle East. Fortunately these models have stimulated reassessment of the sub-Saharan Middle Stone Age (MSA), the archaeological phase between 200,000 and 30,000 years ago which represents the beginnings of regional variation in technology and cultural adaptation as well as the period in which modern humans appeared. Long ignored by East African archaeologists in favour of the earliest cultural record, or, at the other extreme, Neolithic and Iron Age research, the MSA is critical to the evaluation of models of the emergence of our own species. This paper reviews the current arguments concerning the origin and dispersal of modern humans, and the importance of the MSA for the resolution of the problem. It also describes the results from a 1990 survey for MSA sites conducted in southwestern Tanzania within the framework of these current models.
Résumé L'Afrique orientale, où Merrick Posnansky commença sa carrière professionnelle, est depuis longtemps reconnue comme un centre important pour l'étude des origines des hominides et de leurs systèmes technologiques. Récemment, des généticiens et des paléoanthropologues ont aussi suggéré que les humains anatomiquement modernes (Homo sapiens sapiens) auraient des origines africaines, bien qu'un grand nombre des preuves citées proviennent de sources non-africaines, principalement d'Europe et du Moyen-Orient. Heureusement, ces modèles ont encouragé la réévaluation de l'âge de pierre moyen (MSA) sous-saharien, phase archéologique d'il y a 200.000 à 30.000 ans, qui représente les débuts des variations régionales sur le plan de la technologie et de l'adaptation culturelle. C'est aussi la période durant laquelle les étres humains modernes sont apparus. Longtemps ignoré par les archéologues d'Afrique orientale en faveur de témoignages cultures plus anciens ou, à l'autre extrême, des recherches de l'âge néolithique et de l'âge de fer, le MSA est crucial pour l'évaluation de modèles d'émergence de notre propre espèce. Cet article examine les arguments actuels concernant l'origine et la dispersion des humains modernes, et l'importance du MSA pour la résolution de ce problème. Il décrit également les résultats d'une recherche de sites MSA menée en 1990 dans le sud-ouest tanzanien, dans le cadre de ces modèles actuels.相似文献
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Chapurukha M. Kusimba Sibel B. Kusimba Laure Dussubieux 《African Archaeological Review》2013,30(4):399-426
The archaeological community worldwide now readily recognizes the role and significance of interregional interaction in the development and sustenance of urban societies (e.g., Marcus and Sabloff 2008; Sinclair et al. 2010; Trigger 2003). Over the past two decades, we have carried out a systematic, problem-oriented research program on the Kenyan coast and its hinterland in an effort to understand the ecological and cultural milieu that enabled towns and city-states to develop along the East African coast beginning in the late first millennium CE. Archaeological research complemented with historical sources of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries shows that different scales of analysis can be used to understand the long-term history of the development of urbanism along this Swahili coast: local, regional, and trans-continental frames of reference each show that Swahili communities were part of numerous networks of interactions. An emerging picture of preindustrial urbanism shows that local, regional, and trans-continental interaction spheres tied coastal towns to the hinterland and to wider Indian Ocean commercial and social networks. Not all of the theorized links between the coastal towns and their local and regional trade and interaction partners will be visible archaeologically. We address the still poorly known elements of preindustrial regional networks of alliance and interaction spheres between urban and rural polities and argue that an integrative approach is necessary to understand the context of coastal urban society. 相似文献
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Peter D. Little John McPeak Christopher B. Barrett Patti Kristjanson 《Development and change》2008,39(4):587-611
Understanding and alleviating poverty in Africa continues to receive considerable attention from a range of diverse actors, including politicians, international celebrities, academics, activists and practitioners. Despite the onslaught of interest, there is surprisingly little agreement on what constitutes poverty in rural Africa, how it should be assessed, and what should be done to alleviate it. Based on data from an interdisciplinary study of pastoralism in northern Kenya, this article examines issues of poverty among one of the continent's most vulnerable groups, pastoralists, and challenges the application of such orthodox proxies as incomes/expenditures, geographic remoteness, and market integration. It argues that current poverty debates ‘homogenize’ the concept of ‘pastoralist’ by failing to acknowledge the diverse livelihoods and wealth differentiation that fall under the term. The article concludes that what is not needed is another development label (stereotype) that equates pastoralism with poverty, thereby empowering outside interests to transform rather than strengthen pastoral livelihoods. 相似文献
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Ray Bush 《Development and change》2004,35(4):673-695
This article examines the definition of poverty and the evidential base for the claims that the region of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) has historically low levels of poverty and relatively good levels of income distribution. It argues that the dominant trend in the literature on poverty in the global south in general, and in MENA in particular, has a neo‐classical bias. Amongst other things, that bias fails to understand that poverty does not emerge because of exclusion but because of poor people's ‘differential incorporation’ into economic and political processes. It also raises the question: if the MENA has indeed had relatively low levels of poverty and good income distribution, does this complicate the issue of autocracy and the western drive to remove political ‘backwardness’ in the region? In particular, the characterization of autocracy and the west's attempt to promote political liberalization is likely to impact adversely on the social contract that autocratic rulers have enforced regarding the delivery of basic services. 相似文献
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Examining four colonial soil conservation schemes in East Africa that were part of the modernising project of colonialism, this article considers multiple historical geographies of the colonised world. There were multiple modernities: while information and ideas flowed in many directions between (and within) the metropole and colonies, the particular ‘modernity’ that was put into practice was shaped by its context. The article highlights therefore that – despite playing to the same tune of modernity – colonialism was highly differentiated in the way that its policies played out on the ground. Furthermore, the ‘colonised’ acted and reacted to the policies in highly differentiated ways that depended on their particular context in time and space. All but one of the soil conservation schemes examined were rejected and there was significant resistance to them. Much of the existing literature on such schemes examines them in the context of essentially political processes, and in particular their influence on rising nationalism. Whilst these processes are important, this paper shows that there were other, non-political, factors that influenced the reception they were given, which need to be considered too. These ‘everyday’ details were about the practical and technical nature of the schemes, and by exploring these aspects of the schemes, and comparing them, the article highlights why most were rejected. It suggests that different aspects of conservation schemes need to be explored for a firm understanding of the reasons behind resistance to such schemes. 相似文献
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Nicholas Herriman 《Anthropology today》2013,29(3):22-25
Human rights acquires different meanings in different contexts. In this article, I demonstrate how a local interpretation of human rights was linked to an outbreak of ‘sorcerer’ killings. 相似文献
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J. Desmond Clark 《Journal of World Prehistory》1988,2(3):235-305
The history of research into the Middle Stone Age of East Africa and the present state of knowledge of this time period is examined for the region as a whole, with special reference to paleoenvironments. The known MSA sites and occurrences are discussed region by region and attempts are made to fit them into a more precise chronological framework and to assess their cultural affinities. The conclusion is reached that the Middle Stone Age lasted for some 150,000 years but considerably more systematic and in-depth research is needed into this time period, which is now perceived as of great significance since it appears to span the time of the evolution of anatomically Modern humans in the continent, perhaps in East Africa. 相似文献
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国内学术界对英属东非公职机构本土化问题尚无研究,国外学术界有一定的研究,但亦未见专文论述。本文在利用有关档案材料的基础上,对英属东非公职机构的本土化进行初步考察。英属东非公职机构的本土化特别是高级职位的本土化起步晚,滞后于民族独立进程,以致在殖民地独立时,仍有许多原宗主国的人员留下任职。公职机构本土化滞后的主要原因可以说是:第一,殖民地公职机构的本土化是与殖民统治者的利益相背离的,因此,他们长期以来并不热衷于推进本土化;第二,由于教育被忽视,殖民地独立时确实缺乏担任某些职位的人选,尤其是专业技术人员。殖民地公职机构的本土化进程滞后给新生国家带来了负面影响。 相似文献
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R. Webb 《Folklore》2013,124(1):68-74
The long shared history and traditions of Spain and Mexico have given rise to similar stereotypes and folkloric figures. These relationships are often explained through myths that take the form of historical accounts. Here we will discuss some of these discourses to try to understand the relationship between two iconic figures that define similar customs and share a single name in Europe and America: El charro. 相似文献