美国医学会药品广告政策的制度化(1883～1915)

《美国医学会杂志》正常运营需要的巨额费用,迫使理事会为获取赞助而放弃医学伦理规范,开始刊登专利药品和秘密制剂广告。这种置医学伦理于不顾的政策,遭致了医学会内部改革派的诸多质疑和批评。然而,困厄于经济与伦理之间的美国医学会,常常在允许和禁止刊登专利药品广告上摇摆不定。20世纪以来,诸多因素的合力促成了美国医学会力量的不断壮大,它最终获得了掌控其广告政策的财政资源和话语权力,医学伦理的真正践履成为可能。而1905年药学和化学委员会等相关机构的增设,一系列改革宣传、揭发黑幕和游说医学界工作的相继展开,美国医学会寻求到了经济利益和医学伦理两者和谐共生的支点,实现了药品广告政策的制度化。这不仅增进了医生的职业认同感,而且部分地弥补了联邦政府药品广告管理制度上的缺失。     

我国药品专利期限补偿制度研究

2020我国《专利法》第四修正案正式纳入药品专利期限补偿制度.本文从《专利法》第42条及《专利法实施细则修改建议(征求意见稿)对照表》第85条出发,对我国药品专利期限补偿制度的适用对象、适用情形及保护期限、审查程序进行了分析和梳理.提出统一"新药"认定标准、明确"不合理延迟"是否适用于我国药品专利期限补偿制度、完善我国...     

1916年《国家公园局组织法》与美国国家公园管理的体制化北大核心CSSCI

19世纪末20世纪初,一系列国家公园不断建立的同时,美国内政部主导下的国家公园管理面临诸多问题与挑战。在此背景下,美国一些民间保护主义者、联邦政府官员等有识之士开始认识到,必须设立专门行政机构来改进国家公园管理模式。于是,在他们的推动下,国会于1916年通过了《国家公园局组织法》。该法宣告了专门服务于国家公园管理的联邦政府机构——国家公园局的诞生,确立了美国国家公园管理的使命和基本原则,为国家公园体系化发展和全国性管理政策的形成奠定了法律基础,标志着美国国家公园管理体制的初步确立。     

外刊摘要

正美国《国家》杂志3月17日封面文章说客政治游说在美国政治生活中很重要。各种利益集团通过说客向议员们表达意见,推动于己有利的立法。美国《游说公法》规定,所有说客都要登记,让公众了解他们要游说什么。2013年登记在册的说客有12281人,是2002年以来人数少的年。美国的游说业萎缩了吗?事实上,涌向华盛顿的游说资金数量空前。2013年,官方公布的用于游说的资金为32亿美元(1美元约合6.1元人民币),但研究人员认为,真实的数字应该超过90亿美元,很多美国大型企业花在游说上的资金远远高于他们公的数字。研究人员还认为,目前美国说客的数量已经接近10万,很多人并没有进行登记,而是以政治顾问的身份出现。所以,美国游说行业并未衰,只是变得更加隐蔽。     

商标权边境保护中的平行进口法律问题研究

随着国际贸易的进一步自由化,国内物价的逐渐上涨,平行进口货物越来越多地出现在知识产权边境保护中,而目前平行进口案件多数为涉及商标权的案件。本文针对商标权边境保护中的平行进口存在的若干问题,提出海关需要通过立法和执法程序的完善放开限制,确保商品安全质量保证、防止消费者混淆,妥善解决商标权边境执法的平行进口问题,以突破我国商标权海关保护制度中的执法瓶颈,进一步完善知识产权海关保护制度。     

俄罗斯文化遗产保护工作侧记 坚守荣誉与骄傲

<正>俄罗斯的历史文化遗产非常丰富,在这个有悠久历史的国度,人们非常珍惜文化遗产,高度重视文化遗产保护工作。《俄罗斯联邦宪法》中专门有保护文化遗产的条款:"每个俄罗斯公民都有保护历史文化遗产的义务。珍惜历史文化古迹,是实现拥有文化财富权利的重要途径。"《俄联邦文化遗产法》指出"文化遗产是俄罗斯人民的精神财富,保护国家文物是联邦政府的首要工作之一。"2014     

詹姆斯&#183;麦迪逊总统对《红利法案》的否决

詹姆斯&#183;麦迪逊总统对1817年《红利法案》的否决与美国早期宪政和交通革命关系重大。麦迪逊总统之所以否决《红利法案》,乃是因为他认为由联邦政府主持全国交通建设超出了美国宪法授予联邦政府的权力范围,并且他反对国会中众多议员对宪法的“宽泛解释”。该否决阻碍了联邦政府在美国早期交通建设中发挥积极的主导作用,最终由各州和地方政府以及私人企业在19世纪上半期蓬勃兴起的交通革命中担当了主要角色。     

克林顿总统时期美国对华政策形成的特点--以总统、国会在对华贸易最惠国待遇问题上的争论为例

通过对克林顿时期总统与国会围绕是否给予中国贸易最惠国待遇问题的争论的历史考察,可以发现在这一时期美国对华政策形成具有如下特点第一,从行政与立法机构之间关系的角度来看,关键时刻总统和国会两院在事关国家利益的重大问题上最终总能达成共识;第二,从行政和国会与两党之间及两党相互之间关系的角度来看,对经济问题的考虑是它们的共同点,也是美国对华政策的重点,美国对华政策中的政治利益往往通过经济手段来实现;第三,从政策实现的途径来分析,总统靠游说国会和呼吁公众支持来实现自己的政策,国会则靠立法来体现其主张,而且国会在大多时候采取主动出击的方式,而总统则在多数时候保持反应式的决策模式。     

《1958年国防教育法》的颁布对战后美国职业教育的影响

1958年美国国会颁布了《国防教育法》,授权联邦政府为各州教育事业的发展提供巨额经济援助。《国防教育法》的颁布实施,为美国职业教育的发展赢得了源源不断的经济支持,推动了美国高等教育朝着民主化、多元化、终身化的方向发展。研究美国颁布《国防教育法》促进本国职业教育发展的历史经验,对于加快我国职业教育改革与发展,具有重要的现实意义。     

国民党在美国的游说活动——以顾维钧为中心的讨论

国民党于大陆失败前后在美国所进行的游说活动 ,顾维钧是主要渠道之一。他参与了雇用古德温和佩奇 ,对美国政界和媒体进行游说 ,以及资助《远东通讯》为国民党做宣传等活动。顾维钧参与的这些游说活动表明 :1948—195 0年是国民党以金钱推动游说活动的高峰时期 ;在进行游说活动时 ,国民党既使用合法手段 ,也使用非法手段 ;国民党十分注重对媒体的游说 ;这些游说活动极大地卷入了美国国内政治     

Privatisation: An attempt that failed

Throughout the twentieth century doctors in most western countries strongly resisted government attempts to intervene in private medical markets. The support for privatisation that has developed during the current economic recession is welcomed therefore by the medical profession. In several countries campaigns have been staged for a full or partial return to market forces in the health care field. This article traces the course of one such push in Canada where doctors and other advocates of privatisation demanded a larger role for the private sector in the funding and management of Medicare, the national health insurance system. The policy outcome is contrary to the general privatising tendency in many countries: after a period of intense controversy the federal government passed legislation to preserve and strengthen the public aspects of the scheme. The normally powerful medical profession lost its campaign for an infusion of private funds into the health system and for the retention of the right of doctors to set their own fees. Consumer and other non‐producer groups, which have not traditionally played a central role in health policy, mobilised in defense of Medicare and were able to achieve most of their aims.     

The New South Wales doctors' dispute 1984–85: An interpretation

The NSW doctors’ dispute 1984–85 has had a lasting effect on the Australian health care system. Militant surgeons were effective in securing some modifications to regulations and administrative arrangements governing the role and remuneration of certain groups of doctors in NSW public hospitals and some changes to the federal government's Medicare scheme.

This paper examines the causes, actors, issues and outcome of the dispute. The key to understanding the dispute is a knowledge of both the specific issues debated by militant doctors and the federal and NSW Labor governments and the broader historical forces that have shaped the politics of national health insurance throughout the twentieth century. In contrast to media reports, the outcome of the dispute is interpreted as a compromise rather than a victory for the doctors. It is further argued that a theoretical generalisation formulated by two American political scientists, Marmor and Thomas, about disputes between doctors and governments over payment methods is only partially useful in explaining the outcome.

Two prominent and well‐documented historical themes from the politics of national health insurance in Australia — namely, the resistance of sections of the medical profession to any contraction of the private market for medicine and the fragmentation of the organised medical profession during periods of disputation with governments at the state and federal level — are discussed. These themes, and some generalisations about the capacity of the medical profession to influence public policy outcomes, are illuminated by the study.     

Defiant Innovation: The Adoption of Medical Marijuana Laws in the American States

Diffusion research often characterizes the role of the federal government in innovation adoption as a supportive one, either increasing the likelihood of adoption or its speed. We examine the adoption of medical marijuana laws (MMLs) from 1996 to 2014 to shed light on what motivates states to adopt innovations that are in explicit defiance of federal law. Furthermore, we examine whether federal signals have any influence on the likelihood of adoption. In doing so, we utilize implementation theory to expand our understanding of how the federal government's position impacts state policy innovation adoption. We find mixed evidence for the influence of federal signals on the adoption of MMLs. The results suggest that medical marijuana policies are much more likely to be adopted in states when proponents have the political or institutional capital, rather than a medical or fiscal need. Moreover, this political capital is sufficient independent of the federal government's real or perceived position.     

The Ordre Des Medecins and the Jews in Vichy France, 1940-1944

This paper examines the way in which the Jewish question washandled by the Ordre des Médecins, a representative institutionfor the medical profession created by the Vichy government.It discusses the historiography of Vichy anti-Semitism generallyand goes on to analyze the background of anti-Semitism in theFrench medical profession in the 1930s, comparing it with anti-Semitismin other professions such as Law. The paper then discusses thereactions of the Ordre des Médecins and its governingbody, the Conseil Supérieur, to the Vichy anti-Semiticlegislation which affected the profession and compares its brandof anti-Semitism with the official Vichy policy. It focuseson the unequal battle between the Conseil Supérieur,whose members were typically traditional nationalistic and protectionistanti-Semites, and the Vichy government, where quasi-racial anti-Semitismwas official policy. It explains the inevitable defeat of theConseil Supérieur.     

Organizational Impediments to Effective Policy on Gulf War Illness

The mysterious medical conditions experienced by the veterans of the Persian Gulf conflict created a major public policy problem for the federal government. The actions of both the Department of Veterans Affairs and the Department of Defense were both characterized by numerous organizational dysfunctions that frequently plague complex bureaucracies. The inability of these departments to respond adequately to the veterans needs created a contentious political environment in which the federal government was accused of intentional neglect. The problems, however, were primarily the result of communication breakdowns and institutional inertia.     

Anzac for Sale: Consumer Culture,Regulation and the Shaping of a Legend, 1915–21

After the Gallipoli landing on 25 April 1915, the word Anzac began to appear with increasing frequency to brand a range of Australian consumer products, and many traders applied to change the name of their businesses to Anzac. On 25 May 1916, the federal government issued War Precautions Regulations prohibiting the unauthorised use of the word Anzac ‘in any trade, business, calling or profession’. This article explores applications to use the word Anzac for commercial purposes between 1915 and 1921 to argue that consumer culture became a battleground where individuals and groups competed to assert ownership over the word and the social currency it represented.     

Rediscovering Australian federalism by resurrecting old ideas

The federal organisation of government in Australia is one of the least understood aspects of the Australian political system. Despite the durability of federal structures, federal theory in Australia remains largely underdeveloped. Aside from a few scholars who have persistently analysed the federal process, federalism in Australia has received attention as an outmoded system with little scope for distinguishing the benefits to be gained from understanding how government is organised. But where Australian federal theory has languished, American federal theory has flourished. This paper borrows some of the major ideas which have influenced analyses of government functions in the American ‘ system and posits them against analyses of Commonwealth and State government functions in Australia.     

Russian Fiscal Federalism under Stress: Federal Support of Regions during the Global Financial Crisis

A former high-ranking Russian Ministry of Finance official examines the consequences of financial support extended to regions by the Russian Federation government during the global financial crisis in 2008-2010, for the purpose of exploring its potential impact on the regions' financial health in 2011-2012. The paper is structured around an analysis of the three major dimensions of that support: (1) legal and administrative actions undertaken at the federal level to reduce financial pressure on the regions; (2) increased issuance of intergovernmental fiscal grants in 2009; and (3) loans granted to the regions from the federal budget. The author argues that the financial crisis has provided a "stress test" that is useful in assessing the efficiency and flexibility of the Russian system of fiscal federalism.     

杰斐逊的联邦制思想与“国内改进”政策的延滞

对杰斐逊而言,联邦制意味着联邦政府和各州政府共同分享国家主权,其中,联邦政府享有管理对外事务(包括国际和州际事务)的权力,而各州政府则享有管理对内事务的权力。他主张对宪法进行严格解释,强调联邦政府的权力严格地限于宪法中所列举的范围。在杰斐逊执政时期,他赞同联邦政府进行国内改进(即交通建设),但是,由于宪法并没有明确授予联邦政府进行国内改进的权力,他强调必须通过一项宪法修正案,明确授予联邦政府有关权力,其目的在于维护他关于联邦制的一贯主张,维护联邦政府和各州政府之间的权力划分。主要由于杰斐逊的联邦制思想的阻碍,联邦政府的国内改进政策始终延滞不前。     

Cultural Nationalism,Anti-Americanism,and the Federal Defense of the Canadian Football League

ABSTRACT

During the 1960s nationalism flourished in Canada as did American influence, both cultural and economically, as well as separatist sentiment in Quebec. The Canadian federal government became more interventionist to combat threats to Canadian sovereignty: internal threats from Quebec and external threats from the United States. The federal government used sport as a nation-building tool and eventually acted to protect the Canadian Football League (CFL) as a display of resistance to Americanization and in an attempt to unite French and English. Canadian football had become a symbol of the nation and therefore could be used by the government in a symbolic way to resist cultural imperialism and promote national unity. On two occasions the federal government acted to ensure the CFL preserved its Canadian identity; first, to prevent Canadian-based football teams from joining an American professional football league, and second, to prevent American-based teams from joining the CFL. John Munro was the key Canadian politician who formulated policy to protect Canadian football.