Does foreign policy represent the views of the public? Assessing public and elite opinion on New Zealand's foreign policy

This article1 1. We would like to thank Philip Nel, Robert Patman, Steve Hoadley and Chris Rudd for their advice and overall contribution to this research project. We would also like to thank the anonymous referees for their comments and suggestions. View all notes investigates public opinion on New Zealand's foreign policy, drawing on the findings of a comprehensive poll of general public and elite opinion conducted in 2008. It analyses what New Zealanders think about a range of foreign policy issues and whether public opinion matches actual foreign policy. It argues that the majority of the public support the broad parameters of official policy, but that there are significant differences of opinion in some specific areas, particularly trade agreements and defence. These differences correspond in particular to political orientation and age, gender and income level. The article also outlines the key differences between public opinion and the opinion of the positional elite. Overall, it is argued that the New Zealand public does have clear opinions on foreign policy issues and that these are generally consistent. The article proposes more frequent polling and more public debate over foreign policy.     

西汉长安的公共空间

从西汉史可见都城长安"千余人"集会,"守阙上书"的情景。"阙下"曾经发生大规模的武装冲突。而宫阙前特殊事件的发生,"吏民聚观者"甚至可达"数万人",也说明这里有规模可观的空间。民众可以比较自由地进行公共活动的空间是"市"。刘据在"巫蛊之祸"时曾经策动"市"的群众"数万人"与丞相军激战。"里巷仟佰"也曾经成为民众"聚会"场所。而礼制建筑区也有相当宽阔的空地。不过这是不允许民间活动使用的空间。总体说来,西汉长安宫殿区的宏大规模,使得普通居民的生存条件受到严重压抑,而公共活动空间相对有限,使得都市功能的实现,不得不以诸陵邑作为补充。考察西汉长安和东汉洛阳的城市规划和城市建设,可以发现公共空间的区别。东汉洛阳已经有空间更为充裕的公众活动场所。城市史进程中都会职能和交往条件的这一重要变化,也体现了汉代都市社会构成形式和社会生活形态的若干历史特征。     

A View of Their Own: Women's Committee Leadership Styles and State Legislatures

Analysis of survey data from 291 state legislative committee chairs suggests that professionalization has important gender implications not previously explored. Legislatures are gendered in the sense that culturally masculine and feminine committee management styles are more at home in some legislatures than in others. "Citizen" legislatures seem to be more hospitable to "feminine" behaviors of inclusion and a motivation focused on people-oriented concerns. Professionalized legislatures–promoted in large part on the basis of a masculine vocabulary of independence, rationality, expertise, and competition with the executive–discourage inclusive or collegial committee strategies and public-minded motives. Professional legislatures may be positive environments in which to nurture policy leadership, but their committee leaders eschew public participation.     

关于中日"自治传统"的比较分析

近代中日两国在实行地方自治前,都存在着一定的“自治传统。”这种传统在日本日村落共同体,在中国日宗族自治、乡绅自治。但是虽然同为“自治”,实际上有着很大差别。这种差别也可谓是导致两国实行近代地方自治成败的重要原因之一。本文通过对中日“自治传统”在地方公选议会、地方公共财政的运营和地方公共团体法人化的过程中所起的不同作用进行比较分析,从而总结出中日“自治传统”具有的不同的特质。     

参与性收藏的理论探析与思考

参与性收藏是近些年来西方一些博物馆基于"记录今天"理念而新兴的收藏。从收藏的角度,参与性收藏是博物馆通过主题策划与活动设计,组织社会公众携相关物件加入博物馆收藏,并成为馆藏的一部分,以参与的方式将公众与博物馆物品、内容、语境联系起来,其主题多与当下社会发展、生产生活方式变迁等相关,方式上突破传统收藏相对单一、封闭的模式,具有流动、共享、多元、充满活力的特点。从藏品内涵上,具有"记录今天""关注日常""突出藏品与人的关联"等特点,丰富了博物馆藏品的内涵与外延,这是对传统收藏的丰富与推进。在参与性收藏的视野下,航海类博物馆收藏具有更深广的创新空间。     

多类型微博舆情时空分布关系的差异性及其地理规则

以新浪微博转发行为作为舆情时空分布的研究对象,分别选取4·20雅安地震事件代表重大社会舆情、凤凰古城收费事件代表公众生活舆情、郭某某事件代表网络热点舆情3类案例,总结不同类型微博舆情的时空分布特征及差异性,进而透视客观存在的地理规则。研究发现：①3类舆情事件微博转发量的时间分布分别表现为：长尾型、山峰型、多个时间段上的波浪型。②与时间轴对应的空间分布呈等级结构,信息扩散节点城市等级（转发量）结构还会表现出一定的空间伸缩变形或与距离衰减形成叠加关系,3类事件分别表现为：延续传统规律的“始终金字塔”结构、在相对较长时间过程中具有范围伸缩的“始终金字塔”结构、距离衰减影响下的“始终金字塔”结构。城市规模效应主导和距离摩擦阻尼效应影响构成网络信息空间分布的基本地理规则。③微博舆情时空分布的差异性与事件类型有关,并与不同微博用户的作用有关。微博用户的不平衡区域分布和其跨区域流动对信息空间分布产生直接影响。     

旅游者对旅游“非营利”理念的感知研究——基于扎根理论

旅游资源从根本上看具有公益性特点,与“非营利”理念高度契合,两者相互结合的研究具有现实的必然性和理论的可行性。本文采用扎根理论的研究范式分析了旅游者对旅游“非营利”理念的感知,主要结论有：（1）旅游者普遍认为旅游“非营利”理念目前在我国几乎不存在,但却是大势所趋;（2）旅游者对旅游“非营利”理念的期望发展方向在宏观上表现为政府法规监管等9大方面;（3）旅游者对旅游“非营利”理念的期望发展方向在微观上表现为21个小范畴,且在健全监督机制、税收优惠等方面的期望较为集中。（4）旅游者对于如何从自身做起践行“非营利”理念的认知程度很低,国人的旅游“非营利”理念亟待培养。     

New Strategies for an Old Medium: The Weekly Radio Addresses of Reagan and Clinton

Charisma is one of the most common explanations for the success of political leaders in obtaining the support of the mass public. Yet authors employing the concept typically begin their analyses by simply assuming the presence of charisma, foregoing more rigorous analyses, including the consideration of alternative explanations for public appeal. Thus, charisma becomes a post hoc attribution, a residual category of explanation that is difficult to evaluate objectively. This article examines the concept of charisma in the context of the American presidency by testing for its consequences, including presidents obtaining unusually high levels of support, support from unusual sources, or especially intense and committed support, or successfully leading public opinion on matters of public policy. I particularly focus on the best-case tests of John F. Kennedy and Ronald Reagan. Unable to find systematic evidence of some special form of leadership that we might characterize as "charismatic," I conclude that the concept of charisma is neither salvageable analytically nor helpful empirically.     

基于空间三元辩证法的城市周边旅游型乡村公共空间生产研究——以西安地区清水头村为例

旅游消费文化的入侵导致了城市周边乡村发展中社会与空间的巨大变革,使其公共空间面临社会公平与空间正义缺失,进而出现异化。为深入剖析该类型乡村公共空间的生产机制,本文引入列斐伏尔的空间生产理论,运用其三元辩证法理论框架,以西安市长安区清水头村为例,从“空间实践—空间表征—表征空间”三个层面对其进行解构,深入阐释城市周边旅游型乡村公共空间的生产机制和内在逻辑,最后从乡村公共空间生产的作用力、目标形态、机制保障等方面给出了相关优化建议。研究发现,旅游型乡村公共空间在地方政府空间表征过程中,其“使用价值”被压制,而“交换价值”被凸显,但是村民在表征空间过程中的“抵抗”态势并不明显,反而“内化”趋势更多。本文的机制分析和优化建议有助于引导城市周边旅游型乡村公共空间的健康发展,最终达到促进乡村经济发展和优化社会生态的两重目的。     

Archaeology, History, and Material Culture: Grounding Abstractions and Other Imponderables

United States national programs for historic preservation have a great influence on public memory and commemoration. Decisions about what may be listed in the National Register of Historic Places or designated a National Historic Landmark may commemorate or silence parts of the past. Historians invoke the concept of integrity as a gatekeeper to control access to these lists. Archaeologists have the opportunity to contest some of the imposed silences and make these lists more inclusive of underrepresented groups.     

"Constrained by Zeal": Women in Mid-NineteenthCentury Nonconformist Churches

In the nineteenth century, women discovered that nonconformist churches provided a third, intermediate sphere between private and public life in which they could find a variety of roles. Churches provided a supportive environment where, as "Angels out of the House" they found an extension of their role in the home. In some cases, however, they clearly moved beyond that to the public sphere. Women taught in Sunday schools, visited the poor and sick, distributed tracts, were instrumental in fundraising, led Methodist class meetings, prayed with other women, and some even preached. Despite the importance of women within Nonconformity, and the significance of religion in many women's lives, few historians of either Nonconformity or women's history have concentrated on women's lives within these churches. This paper seeks to add to our limited knowledge of their activities within the "intermediate sphere" in four denominations.     

辽宁省城市基本公共服务质量差异的时空分析

基于基本公共服务的内涵,从教育服务、文化服务、卫生服务、基础设施服务、社会保障服务、生态环境服务和信息服务7个方面构建了基本公共服务质量评价指标体系,运用熵值法对2003-2011年辽宁省城市基本公共服务质量进行综合测度,并以此为变量,利用差异系数和基尼系数对辽宁省各市基本公共服务质量差异的演变过程与空间格局进行定量分析。结果发现:辽宁省各市基本公共服务质量整体为上升的趋势,表现出较为明显的规模特征,沈阳市和大连市两极突出;2003-2011辽宁省城市基本公共服务质量区域差异总体扩大的基础上,呈现先扩大后缩小的演变趋势,且以文化服务、卫生服务和基础设施服务的差异为主;空间上,公共服务质量空间提升极化作用不断增强,表现为不断向"沈阳-大连、盘锦-本溪"的"十字"轴线紧靠。     

Trans-Subsystem Dynamics: Policy Topography, Mass Opinion, and Policy Change

We argue that the treatment of trans-subsystem change, and particularly the role of public opinion in fostering such change, within the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) has been underspecified. We propose a model of "policy topography" that combines the concepts of public opinion, clusters of linked subsystems, and policy issue venues. While the ACF has characterized subsystems as relatively self-contained, we argue that they are more usefully understood as operating in a relatively permeable fashion among evolving clusters of subsystems linked together by networked relations, strategically overlapping policy considerations, and public opinion disruptions. The "policy topography" model offers opportunities to assess the relationships across policy subsystems, and to better specify the critical relationship between public policy and mass opinions. We offer examples, and suggest hypotheses along with avenues for appropriate empirical analysis.     

Corruption and confidence in Australian political institutions

Corruption is inimical to public support for democratic government. This article uses Australian public opinion surveys to clarify the link between corruption and views of political institutions. The results show that citizens' personal experiences of corruption among public officials are negligible, but that three in four believe that there is some corruption among politicians and almost half believe that corruption in Australia is increasing. Perceptions of corruption matter much more than personal experiences of corrupt public officials in shaping confidence in political institutions. For policy-makers, the findings have implications for how corruption is handled, and in the measures that should be put in place to allay the public's fears about the increase in corruption.

腐败妨碍了公众对民主政府的支持。本文使用澳大利亚舆论调查,澄清了腐败与政治体制观的联系。研究显示公民个人对于公职人员腐败的经验可以忽略不计。倒是四分之三的人相信政客中存在某种腐败,几乎近一半人相信腐败在澳大利亚与日俱增。对腐败的认识,比个人对公职人员中腐败的耳闻目见,对于形成对政治体制的信赖要重要得多。对于政策制定者,这些发现有助于他们处理腐败,采取措施缓和公众对于日增的腐败的恐惧。     

Do Australians want the welfare state?

The failures of the Australian welfare state are often implicitly argued to derive in large part from the conservatism of the Australian public. This research uses public opinion poll data from 1940 to 1985 to question some of the claims made about public opinion and Australian welfare. These data indicate that post‐World War Two governments were not the captives of public opposition to expanded welfare provision. The public favoured generous, universal and contributory welfare provision in specific areas where the policies of successive Australian governments favoured selective, illiberal welfare measures funded by taxation. Moreover, public support for government health schemes suggests that welfare programmes generate public support rather than result from it.

This evidence suggests that explanations for the conservatism of the Australian welfare state lie elsewhere.     

系统科学在区域发展研究中的应用

区域是一个开放的复杂巨系统,系统科学的方法论对区域发展研究产生了重要的影响。本文对区域发展研究中采用的系统科学方法进行了回顾和总结,重点探讨了钱学森先生20世纪90年代首次提出的"综合集成研讨厅"体系在当代区域发展研究中的应用,并对其组织结构及实施原则进行了讨论。     

"Hats off, gentlemen, to our Australian mothers!" Representations of white femininity in North Queensland in the early twentieth century

This paper examines some representations of the anxiety and uncertainty about "white woman's place" in tropical North Queensland that were present in medical and general discourse in the early twentieth century. It focuses on white women's work in the private sphere as both the source of and the solution to these anxieties. Although 'White Australia' had been legislatively established in the "public sphere" by the 1920s, through the passage of the Queensland Aboriginal Protection Act of 1897, and the Commonwealth Immigration Restriction Act of 1901, in the tropics there was still public concern about how it would be established in the "private sphere". This was because even though the conventional wisdom that a white man could not work in the tropics and remain healthy had been successfully challenged by the early twentieth century, the same could not be said about such wisdom as it applied to white women and children. This paper looks at some of the ways that ideologies of race and gender intersected in the early twentieth century to construct white women and children as a group that could bring down the successful establishment of "White Australia", and this group was specially targeted for surveillance by the "new experts" of medicine, sociology and domestic science.     

Muslims in Europe: Managing Multiple Identities and Learning Shared Citizenship

Abstract

This article offers a tour d'horizon of the new Muslim communities formed in western Europe in the last forty years, now numbering some 13 million. After some idiosyncratic, historic notes, a summary ethnic, socio-economic and demographic profile is given, followed by a suggested four phase development cycle. The differential incorporation of Muslims in public and civic life turns on a consideration of a number of factors: the presence of at least three different models for managing diversity within western Europe, as well as the institutional space accorded to "religion" in public life across Europe. Muslims are not presented as passive victims of exclusion but social actors carving out space for a distinctive "identity politics." Within the various Muslim communities a debate is taking place on whether or not they should participate in electoral politics - the contours of this debate are drawn. Attention is also drawn to inter-generational tensions and the issue of "radicalization" amongst sections of the Muslims educated and socialised in the West. The article concludes by reflecting on the whether the churches can act as an antidote to far right politics and "religious nationalism."     

Cities are Alive with the Sound of Music: Saengerfest and the Transformation of Urban Public Music in Nineteenth-century America

This article examines the development of outdoor public music in American cities during the nineteenth century and develops three primary arguments. Organized and recreational forms of public music – such as musical festivals and outdoor band concerts – became commonplace and integral to city life during the second half of the nineteenth century. Second, German-American singing festivals (Saengerfests) were major public events during the mid-nineteenth century and helped create this recreational public music culture by demonstrating how organized and recreational public music could enhance city life and suggesting to commentators and public officials that it could serve as a tool of reform. Third, public music – such as occurred during Saengerfests – helped bridge social divisions and made American cities more socially fluid, even at a time when some aspects of civic life were becoming more divided and contentious.     

论1855-1865年俄国书刊审查政策调整的“二元性”

随着俄国政府对出版业的控制开始松动,以报刊和书籍为载体的社会舆论逐渐走进城市民众的社会生活,影响着他们的思维方式。由于1856年克里木战争的失败,俄国国内西方派、革命派、斯拉夫派、自由派的人士和官员掀起了一场争取言论出版自由的风暴。社会需要新思想,需要说话和批评时政的权利;政府需要知晓俄国当前社会局势的发展,了解社会舆论对政府政策的反响,需要取得社会的信任和支持。在社会舆论与政府双方的共同作用下,俄国书刊审查政策的调整呈现了浓厚的"二元性"特征:一方面,允许私人发行出版物,允许讨论经济、教育和部分政治话题,免除部分出版物的预审制;另一方面,又设立"警示红线",对违法违规出版物及其相关责任人给予行政、经济和司法制裁。书刊审查政策调整后,俄国的出版业开始带着沉重的枷锁前行。