一八四八—五一年的法国革命

(一)革命的社会根源及直接起因一八三○年七月的资产阶级革命推翻了代表大地主贵族利益的波旁王朝,建立了代表金融大资产阶级利益的「七月王朝」。「在路易、菲立普时代,握住统治权的,并不是法国资产阶级,而是资产阶级底一部份,银行家、交易所大王、铁路大王、煤矿铁矿森林底所有主、与他们相勾结的一部份的地主——即所谓金融贵族。」(注一)它「……是榨取法国国富的股份公司,它底股息,是分配于阁员、议院议员,二十四万选举人及其同党。「(注二)这个王朝的社会经济和政治发展的整个过程,就准备了一八四八年的资产阶级民主革命。七月王朝时期,法国资本主义有了进一步的高涨:     

塔列朗与法兰西近代民族国家的建立

法兰西近代民族国家建立的进程,开始于1789年的法国大革命,结束于1830年的七月革命。塔列朗的政治活动贯穿于这一进程的始终。他在大革命期间,推动教会资产国有化,参与起草《人权宣言》;在督政府时期,以较新的外交理念促成法国外交部的改革;在拿破仑帝国时期,参与了重要条约的谈判,并力图遏制拿破仑的称霸政策;在波旁王朝复辟时,起草了“1814年宪章”,尽力维护大革命的成果;在七月革命中,抛弃了复辟王朝,支持承认大革命现实的路易.菲利浦登上王位,并出任驻英大使出席伦敦会议,为解决欧洲重大外交问题付出了努力。事实证明,他并非如一般史家所描述的那样,是一个以自身利益为行为准则,没有信仰的政治变色龙,而是一个以法兰西民族国家利益为行为准则的政治家。他为法兰西近代民族国家的建立做出了重大贡献。     

王朝复辟时期英王查理二世两面性公众形象研究

1660年斯图亚特王朝在英国复辟,但复辟时期社会与政治文化已经发生深刻变革,强烈的反天主教情绪,天主教阴谋案与排斥法案最终引发政治危机。为维护统治的合法性,确立文化权威,查理二世在新的形势下,采取功利主义的君主形象策略,塑造既神圣又世俗、既传统又革新的两面性君主形象,英国君主的公众形象发生了重大转变。这种转变是当时英国社会过渡性、两面性特征的体现,在一定程度上有助于查理政权顺利度过政治危机。     

父爱的悲剧

《高老头》作为巴尔扎克批判现实主义最著名的作品之一,在《人间喜剧》里占据着重要的地位,它深刻地反映了复辟王朝的法国社会中,在金钱统治与拜金主义风行下所导致的一幕幕人间悲剧和惨案。《高老头》父爱的悲剧,即是一个典型的悲剧缩影。     

布朗基革命实践探微

路易·奥古斯特·布朗基,法国19世纪卓越的空想社会主义者。他一生历经第一帝国、波旁王朝复辟时期、七月王朝、第二共和国、第二帝国、第三共和国等六个朝代。在这些时期的许多重大的革命转折关头,布朗基都曾产生过显著的影响。长期以来,我国理论界对布朗基有一定论,即认为布朗基虽终身执着追求革命,但却主张只靠少数革命家通过密谋的斗争方式取得革命的成功。我们认为,这种看法并不公允。本文拟对布     

为启蒙和大革命“纠偏”——基佐的宗教思想与实践

作为法国复辟王朝和七月王朝时期享有盛名的史学家、思想家和政治家,基佐已得到国内研究者的关注,然而作为新教徒的基佐尚未引起国内学界的注意。1814—1848年,基佐专注于政治思考和实践。不过从他对启蒙和大革命的反思,他在任公共教育大臣期间颁布的《基佐法》,以及他对天主教自由派争取教育自由的支持中,可以窥见宗教在其政治设想中的位置。1848年退出政治舞台后,基佐专注于宗教思考与实践,在新教团体担任要职并出版了几部宗教著作。基佐对宗教问题的思考以及调和天主教会与新教会、基督教与现代社会的努力,构成了19世纪法国同情宗教的人士为启蒙和大革命的反宗教倾向"纠偏"努力的一部分。他的成败也折射出大革命后法国在政教问题上遭遇的困境。     

从17世纪西欧三强争霸看威廉入主英国之原因及结果

１７世纪,西欧三强鼎立,为了争夺殖民霸权矛盾重重,其主要内容为英、荷争夺海上霸权和法、荷争夺欧洲大陆霸权。三次英荷战争使荷兰失去了海上霸权;与此同时,荷兰又面临路易十四欧陆霸权政策的威胁。在这紧要关头,荷兰只有和欧洲其他国家结盟特别是联合英国,才能抗衡法国。英国资产阶级与新贵族因革命性大大减弱,面对斯图亚特王朝的复辟统治,决定邀请威廉来保护他们的新教和自由。威廉入主英国保护了荷兰利益,对英国历史的发展也产生了深刻的影响。     

试论英国资产阶级内战中的独立派

英国资产阶级内战时期(1640—1688)的独立派是代表中等新贵族和中等资产阶级利益的政治派别。在革命初期,独立派与长老派联合,利用国会与国王进行斗争。长老派掌权后,独立派又与平等派联合在一起推动英国内战向前发展。推翻长老派后,独立派一方面坚决打击王党分子的复辟活动,一方面又残酷镇压了平等派的运动。最终,独立派建立了以克伦威尔为"护国公"的军事独裁体制,斯图亚特王朝复辟后,独立派销声匿迹。     

法国近代史上的复辟和反复辟问题——澄清“四人帮”在此问题上制造的混乱

“四人帮”出于篡党夺权的反革命目的,把黑手伸进史学的各个领域,世界史也不能幸免。他们为了在现实政治斗争中打着“反复辟”的旗号大搞反革命复辟活动,就把“复辟和反复辟斗争”作为一个公式在史学领域到处乱套。其中,他们别有用心地大肆歪曲法国资产阶级革命的历史,毫无根据地断言:“法国资产阶级革命,……先后经历     

1789—1852年法国新闻出版法剖析

近代法国的起点—18世纪末的大革命受到高度评价,被誉为给予全人类以文明和文化的整个19世纪是在它的标志下度过的,尤其是革命中通过的《人和公民的权利宣言》,简称《人权宣言》更为后世称颂。革命使资产阶级掌握了政权,新的掌权者利用法律手段进行了反封建的斗争,同时也从未忘记维护本阶级的利益。本文将探讨革命后至第二共和国时期(复辟王朝除外)资产阶级如何利用各种新闻出版法来维护资本主义制度。     

The Queen – A Middle–Class Tragedy: The Writing of History and the Creation of Myths in Nineteenth–Century France and Germany

This article is an interpretation of historical narratives written by nineteenth–century German and French historians (among them Johann Gustav Droysen and Jules Michelet) about the French Revolution and the biographies of notable queens. Central to this historical narrative are Marie–Antoinette of France, Louise, queen of Prussia, and Elizabeth, empress of Austria. The text is concerned with the process of transforming the executed queen of ancien régime France into the image of the nineteenth–century bourgeois ideal of women and monarchy. Thus the essay is also about the creation of myths and about male bourgeois and middle–class fantasies.     

The many Robespierres from 1794 to the present

The Belgian Constitution of 1831 marked a decisive step in the continental evolution from Restoration constitutional monarchy, based on the monarchical principle, towards the establishment of parliamentary constitutional monarchy. At the time, the new balance of power desired by the Belgian revolutionaries was captured by the phrase ‘republican monarchy’. It is remarkable that this concept, despite being so central to the founding fathers’ deliberations, has hardly been commented upon by later historians and public lawyers. This article aims to reconstruct the origin, meaning and uses of this concept in the context of the 1830 revolutionary wave. French revolutionary veteran general Lafayette was responsible for popularizing republican monarchy in the July Revolution, although the term’s origins went back to eighteenth-century debates on the reform of absolute monarchy. Lafayette used it to summarize the institutional demands of the republican movement vis-à-vis king Louis Philippe. Its transnational migration to the Belgian context subsequently entailed a shift in meaning which will be charted through an analysis of the Belgian constituent and public debates. Finally, the reasons for the concept’s sudden disappearance from the political stage will be addressed.     

From Science to Religion: Justifying French Pacific Voyaging and Expansion in the Period of the Restoration and the July Monarchy

Abstract

What explains the generous state sponsorship of the French Pacific voyages of scientific exploration in the period of the Restoration and the July Monarchy, and what links did these voyages have with the beginnings of a French Pacific empire from 1842? While it is argued that the early voyages owed much to state advancement of science, this goal receded as a reviving France became increasingly imperial minded. In justifying imperial expansion into the Pacific, the French monarchy turned increasingly to another source of national identity and global influence: the activities of French missionaries. Though the promotion of French missions did not constitute a primary goal of French Pacific expeditions, their reports helped to strengthen the alliance between French missions and an increasingly expansionist state. Ironically it was the voyagers’ attention to religion rather than science that was to be more directly linked with the foundations of a French Pacific empire.     

French Revolutionary Transformations of Diplomatic Practice: The Case of Franco–Ottoman Relations, 1792–17971

Abstract

This article focuses on questions of rupture and continuity in European international relations around 1800, taking French revolutionary diplomatic practice in the Ottoman Empire as a case in point. Historians who have studied the conduct of French revolutionary diplomacy tend to emphasize the ruptures in revolutionary diplomatic practice. The analysis of Franco-Ottoman alliance negotiations (1792–1797) does not fully match with this assessment. Although it is certainly true that the Revolution led to great alterations in French diplomatic culture, French diplomats were often far from discarding all diplomatic conventions. The article gives a short overview over the diplomatic agents working for the French embassy and their reactions to the Revolution in France. It then presents the Ottoman reaction to the regime change in France, in particular with regards to the transition from monarchy to republic. The main focus is on the question of innovation and continuity in diplomatic practice and on the self-representation of the new French state.     

'The purity of the blood': Poncet de la Grave,pronatalism and empire

This article will analyze key publications of Guillaume Poncet de la Grave (1725-1803), formerly the monarchy’s representative to the Admiralty Court, who worked during the Ancien Régime to restrict immigration to France, particularly that of people of color. He was also a passionate advocate for French imperial expansion. After the Revolution, in his political tract Réflections on the Unmarried, he expressed his anxiety over a declining French birthrate and a desire to have the state monitor marriage, sexuality, and reproduction in order to increase legitimate births. In this work he identified threats to what he referred to as ‘the purity of the blood’ within and without France, and proposed to the Republic legislation designed to eliminate them. Poncet de la Grave’s career has been largely neglected but his former position merits a closer look at his political writing, which expressed significant, constant objectives that demonstrate thematic continuity over a tumultuous time. French fears of depopulation and national ‘degeneration’ were still strong at the turn of the century, and remain of great interest to historians eager to understand how they were discussed in the context of great historical change.     

从"蛮族"首领到"圣徒"国王——论克洛维在中世纪法国的形象及其演绎

对于某一特定的历史人物或历史现象来说,随着时间的推移和时代的需要,后人对之描述和诠释往往会呈现出与其原始形象相距甚远的状况,而且这种异化过程又往往是以历史学的名义进行的。在中世纪法国,克洛维的形象便经历了这样一个转变过程。在图尔主教格雷戈里的笔下,克洛维尚是一个充满蛮性的凡人国王;但到了中世纪中后期,在法国王室的推动下并在御用文人的协助下,克洛维却成为一位尽善尽美的“圣徒”国王。对于这种转变的动因和效果以及中世纪历史学在其中所发挥的作用,人们当然应当给予充分的理解。但是,理解并不意味着认可。从维护历史学基本伦理准则角度出发,对于中世纪历史学的形态扭曲必须持批判态度。     

《钦定宪法大纲》与清末政治博弈

《钦定宪法大纲》是清末一个重要的宪法性文件,是各方政治势力博弈的结果。大纲的产生自有其合理的一面。虽然大纲带有浓厚的封建性,但诸多条文仍不乏合理性、进步性和民主性。大纲在中国宪政史上确立了根本法的地位,确立了二元制君主立宪政体,初步确立了分权模式,初步确立了权利义务观念,与西方宪政初步实现了形式上的对接。     

The cult of Saint Denis and Capetian kingship

Throughout its history, the monastery of Saint-Denis sought to establish a tie with the ruling house, to make the abbey indispensable to the crown as the chief and privileged guardian of the royal presence. Beyond that, as the home of the principal Apostle of Gaul and the first bishop of Paris, it had a symbolic importance for the whole of France, independent of the monarchy itself. The representation of Saint Denis as a national saint, guiding, protecting, and promoting the well-being of the monarchy, was a monastic theme from the ninth century forward. The cult assumed its chief importance, however, in relation to the Capetians when, it is argued, it performed a critical function in the definition of French national identity under the aegis of the monarchy. In its importance for both France and the monarchy, the cult of Saint Denis helped make possible the fusion of two streams of national consciousness that might otherwise have remained distinct. Further, Capetian kings, by identifying themselves with the cult of Saint Denis, were able to tap a significant element of national devotion which contributed to the creation of a royal personality of national scope in France.     

The cult of Saint Denis and Capetian kingship

Throughout its history, the monastery of Saint-Denis sought to establish a tie with the ruling house, to make the abbey indispensable to the crown as the chief and privileged guardian of the royal presence. Beyond that, as the home of the principal Apostle of Gaul and the first bishop of Paris, it had a symbolic importance for the whole of France, independent of the monarchy itself.The representation of Saint Denis as a national saint, guiding, protecting, and promoting the well-being of the monarchy, was a monastic theme from the ninth century forward. The cult assumed its chief importance, however, in relation to the Capetians when, it is argued, it performed a critical function in the definition of French national identity under the aegis of the monarchy. In its importance for both France and the monarchy, the cult of Saint Denis helped make possible the fusion of two streams of national consciousness that might otherwise have remained distinct. Further, Capetian kings, by identifying themselves with the cult of Saint Denis, were able to tap a significant element of national devotion which contributed to the creation of a royal personality of national scope in France.     

福蒂斯丘与英法封建君主制比较

福蒂斯丘爵士是15世纪英国的法学家和政治理论家,他最早研究了中世纪末英国的君主制类型及其与其他君主制的区别。他的特殊经历使其首次提出英国实行的是"政治且王室的统治",以区别于法国的"王室的统治"。上述两种类型的封建君主制在形成过程和统治方式上大相径庭,统治结果也截然分明,两者的优劣判若两途。福蒂斯丘有关"政治且王室的统治"的理论不仅揭示了中世纪末英国封建君主制的类型,对宪政理论的发展也具有奠基意义。