毛泽东“三个世界”外交战略划分理论与中国国际地位的跃升

毛泽东主席于上世纪70年代初正式提出了"三个世界"划分理论,这是一个具有划时代意义的国际外交战略划分。该理论的提出,成为当时中国制定外交政策的重要理论依据和指导思想,它对打破当时僵死的"两个阵营"世界格局,对我国国际地位的跃升起到了决定性作用。本文从分析"三个世界"外交战略划分理论提出的背景和原因入手,着重探讨它对当时新的世界格局的促成和中国国际地位跃升所产生的深远影响及现实意义。     

浅析“天下主义”对中国古代战略文化的影响

战略文化是关于一个民族或国家的决策者对于国家安全问题的独特的战略思维,它缘起于国家的地理环境与历史经验,深受该国精英哲学、文化和认知特性影响。战略文化中最核心的要素是一国对其所处的国际环境的认识与感知。“天下主义”作为古代中国人观察世界的根本视角,赋予了古代中国战略文化以鲜明的特色,进而对古代中国的外交理念与外交行为发挥了深远影响。     

审时度势,铸就辉煌——新中国外交战略演变的历史回顾

新中国外交走过了60年辉煌的道路。在这个波澜壮阔的过程中,外交战略的演变占有重要的地位。从新中国成立初期的"一边倒",到20世纪60年代的"两面出击",再到70年代的"一条线、一大片",直至80年代的"全方位",演变过程大体经历了四个阶段。在这一外交战略演变过程中,毛泽东、周恩来、邓小平等新中国领导人运用马克思主义理论,科学分析国际国内形势,审时度势,运筹帷幄,在制定和调整中国外交战略的过程中,牢牢把握大局,经受了国际风云变幻的严峻考验,取得了辉煌的成就。     

关于十八大报告中外交战略新思路的解析

在党的十八大上,胡锦涛以“继续促进人类和平与发展的崇高事业”为主题,对当前的国际形势和中国外交作了精辟有力的论述。十八大报告的外交部分准确分析中国所处的国际环境,确定中国的身份和责任,并在此基础上指明中国新时期的外交理念和外交策略,勾画出中国外交战略的新蓝图,为正在稳步发展的中国外交指明了前进的方向。     

近年来西方学术界关于毛泽东"一条线"外交战略的研究述评

近10年以来,西方学术界对毛泽东“一条线”外交战略的成因、内容、历史作用及局限性进行了更全面更深入的考察,提出了一些较有新意的看法。西方学：术界的这些探讨在一定程度上有助于国外深入研究毛泽东外交战略和新中国外交史,对当今中国学者深入研究毛泽东外交战略和新中国外交史亦有一定的参考价值。     

美国外交史学环境路径的兴起与发展

进入21世纪,在国际环境政治和历史学新潮流的影响下,美国外交史学者将环境维度引入研究中,开辟了美国外交史学的环境路径。环境路径不仅探讨了环境外交与国际环境合作等新题材,扩大了外交史的研究领域,而且提供了审视外交史经典问题的新视角,完善了传统研究的解释框架。此外,环境路径促进了外交史与其他历史学分支学科的融合,淡化了学科界限,提升了外交史学的影响力。然而,目前环境路径的发展尚不充分,研究领域还存在诸多空白,对于不同时段的研究也不平衡,学者对材料的选取还存在偏狭之处。今后美国外交史学环境路径的发展应着力于发掘新材料,扩展研究题材和方法,深入分析环境因素与国际冲突的产生和解决、外交议题的创制和变化、国际格局的变迁、国际体系的演变等外交问题之间的关系。     

中国对日邦交正常化战略的历史评析

通过对20世纪50～70年代初中国对外战略的历史考察,可以发现中国对日邦交正常化战略发挥了关键作用。中国政府在防止日本军国主义复活原则的基础上,首倡"以民促官"及"官民并举"的基本方针,提出正确对待历史问题并放弃战争赔偿,并采取"先美后日、以美促日"的外交战略于1972年实现了中日邦交正常化,取得了继中美发表《上海公报》后的又一外交胜利。虽然中国对日邦交正常化战略在实施过程中历经曲折,但它兼具现实性和灵活性,体现了以"和谐"为核心的政治文化,在中国外交史上占有重要地位。     

近代以来日本外交战略的三次转变及其原因

近代以来150年间日本外交战略经历了一个从追求军事崛起到经济崛起,以及再到政治崛起的过程,并且为此而不断调整自己的外交战略。岛国的政治文化、内部指导思想固然是决定其战略转变的主要原因,而不可忽视的是东亚的国际环境亦成为日本对外决策的重要诱因。面对21世纪,军事失败与经济成功正反两方面的历史经验证明,顺应东亚一体化的趋势,实现与亚洲各国的和解,积极、平等地推动地区合作,将是日本外交战略的现实选择。     

战后中日关系研究的概况与问题--以中日两国的学术专著为中心

中国的战后中日关系研究基本上在历史学领域中展开,但实证研究仍需进一步的努力.而日本学者注意到国际政治学方法论的采用,强调了国际政治结构对中日关系的制约,但在史学研究方面还有不断把新史料纳入视野、在史学研究的基础上建构自己的国际政治学理论等方面的发展空间.相信整体性的过程研究和实证经验理论总结将使我们能够有基础和有信心尝试建立一些规范的分析概念,并通过这些概念对历史和思想演变的深层规律进行某种程度的哲学分析,即所谓理论的建构.     

习近平国际战略思想探析

<正>党的十八大以来,习近平总书记深入分析国际国内形势的新变化和新特点,立足于全球谋篇布局,加强中国外交顶层设计、战略谋划和底线思维,坚定维护国家核心利益,在外交战略和国际关系方面提出许多新理念新思想新战略,逐步形成了具有时代特点和中国特色的国际战略思想。一是增强战略定力,寻求与各国互利共赢和共同发展,在人类历史上第一次超越了"国强必霸"的定律,夯     

Australia’s Colombo Plans,old and new: international students as foreign relations

This article draws on recent research and policy developments to make a case for considering international students as an important component of Australian foreign relations. It links historical and contemporary Australian experiences of international students, especially in the Colombo Plan and New Colombo Plan, to the field of public diplomacy, and sets an agenda for further research in this direction. It highlights the need to recover student voices and to be sensitive to the emergence of everyday or ‘vernacular’ internationalism, as a phenomenon of international students visiting, traveling and otherwise encountering different groups of Australians. It suggests a need to take up anew this form of inquiry for both earlier postwar student experiences and the post-1980s period, in which international students’ voices are frequently silenced by debates over commodification, funding needs, and neo-liberal economics.     

抗美援朝战争与中国建设大后方国防战略思想的形成

一个国家战略后方物质和精神力量的强弱程度对战争的胜负产生着决定性的影响。本文主要阐述了中国在抗美援朝战争中认识到加强战略后方建设的重大意义 ,并通过战争实践及战后形成的军事战略态势逐步形成了独具特色的中国建设大后方国防战略思想。     

核武器与新中国60年发展历程

从抗日战争时期的"原子弹是纸老虎"到20世纪50年代对"蘑菇云"的追逐,中国领导人对核武器态度的变化只发生在战术方面,而战略上的积极防御以及在国家安全诉求之外对民族复兴、外交独立、国际认可和尊重、追赶先进、实现现代化等多方面的诉求,才是这一过程中不变的主旋律,同时也是中国发展核武器的根本动因。从追逐"蘑菇云"的"革命国家"到积极参与防止核扩散的负责任大国,核武器对新中国60年发展历程的政治意义大于军事意义。     

How Chinese scholars think about Chinese foreign policy

China’s assertive diplomacy in recent years has ignited intense debates among international relations (IR) scholars. Some argue that China’s assertive behaviour is rooted in its perception of increasing power and capabilities. Others suggest that it is US policies that triggered China’s assertive reactions. Relying on an original survey of China’s IR scholars conducted in Beijing in 2013 and using structural equation modelling, we empirically examine Chinese IR scholars’ attitude towards Chinese power versus the United States, their perceptions of US policy in Asia, and their preference for an assertive Chinese foreign policy. We find that both the power perception and policy reaction arguments make sense in accounting for Chinese IR scholars’ attitude regarding China’s assertive diplomacy. However, our research suggests that a more pessimistic view on Chinese power is more likely to be associated with a preference for an assertive foreign policy.     

Australia’s use of international education as public diplomacy in China: foreign policy or domestic agenda?

This research utilises expert interviews to investigate why the Australian Government funds the New Colombo Plan (NCP) and the Australian Studies Centres (ASCs) as public diplomacy in China. The ASCs have grown with no increase in funding, however, the academics view themselves as facilitators of Australian Studies not an arm of public diplomacy, despite their work contributing toward positive Australia-China relations. Evaluating the efficacy of the ASC’s contribution to public diplomacy is fraught with risk. Some suggest that political activism may backfire when governments explicitly outline their soft power strategies. As the NCP has no longitudinal measurements, this research is an initial review of short-term achievements. However, the external survey with 16% return rate, and just over 50% response rate indicating an intention to act as ambassadors for the program, requires review by the funding department. The opportunity for the Government to send a positive message to China and the strong people-to-people networks fostered by the two programs’ participants have the potential to influence the nexus between Australian foreign policy, international education as public diplomacy and public engagement with foreign policy. This alone, should be sufficient to justify continued funding, or in the case of the ASCs, increased funding.     

Walking the Thin Line: India's Anti-Racist Diplomatic Practice in South Africa,Canada, and Australia, 1946–55

Historians of India's foreign policy have often failed to see beyond the ‘Great man’ Jawaharlal Nehru. This Nehru-centric vision is not only misleading, but also unfair to Nehru. Here, we seek to take the gaze off Nehru and New Delhi so as to view Indian foreign policy from different locations. We examine the ways in which India's diplomats in Australia, Canada, and South Africa resisted racial discrimination. India's anti-racist diplomacy has most often been viewed as pointless moralistic ranting: the domain of the ‘hypersensitive, emotional’ Indian. We argue, however, based on largely unexamined archival material and an emphasis on the practice of Indian diplomacy, that India's diplomats in these bastions of settler-colonial racism were tactful, strategic, and effective in challenging racist, colonial practices and bringing an anti-racist discourse to international politics. Nehruvian foreign-policy discourse, and its goal of an anti-racist world order, then, was tempered by its diplomatic practices. In particular, this occurred outside of New Delhi in places where India's hopes for productive international relationships clashed with its Nehruvian worldview.     

北极环境变化对中国的战略影响分析

北极地区的自然环境和社会环境正在发生深刻改变,将对世界和中国产生深远的战略影响。北极航道的开通将在一定程度上改变世界的海洋交通格局,在给中国带来机会的同时,也可能造成战略上的被动性。北极资源开发可行性的增大给中国增添了新的资源采购地选择和地缘经济参与机遇,同时也将带来新的挑战。北极地区地缘政治地位的上升将改变现有的世界地缘战略格局,产生新的地缘战略关系,给中国带来复杂的战略影响,中国需加强筹划应对。     

中共三代领导集体全球战略观的演变

建国以来 ,中共三代领导集体根据国际战略形势的变化发展 ,提出不同时期的全球战略思想 ,毛泽东依据世界格局的变化 ,提出了三个世界理论 ,并从战略高度及时调整了我国的内外政策 ;邓小平分析了当代世界格局的新变动 ,提出了和平与发展是时代主题的理论 ,进一步调整了中国的外交政策 ;江泽民分析了我国改革开放和现代化建设的新国际环境 ,提出了“争取一个长期的和平国际环境”的战略方针 ,开创了面向新世纪的外交新局面。从建国初期的“一边倒”战略到六七十年代的“一条线”战略 ,从“一条线”战略再到 80年代确立的不当头、不结盟的战略方针 ,中共三代领导集体的全球战略观有着内在的密切联系 ,即都始终坚持了独立自主和反对霸权主义 ,维护世界和平的原则立场。表明了中国共产党人深邃敏锐的世界历史眼光和对世界历史进程的自觉把握。     

日内瓦会议:新中国多边外交的初步尝试

日内瓦会议作为新中国以大国身份参加的第一次国际会议 ,也是新中国开展多边外交实践的初步尝试 ,其成就主要体现为推动印度支那和平的恢复、搭建中美沟通的桥梁和改进中英关系。尽管由于冷战格局和“一边倒”外交战略的制约和影响 ,日内瓦会议作为多边外交实践的作用和功能无法和今天意义上的多边外交相提并论 ,但对于当时的中国来说 ,仍然不失为一次比较成功的多边外交实践     

Heritage diplomacy

This paper explores the concept of heritage diplomacy. To date much of the analysis regarding the politics of heritage has focused on contestation, dissonance and conflict. Heritage diplomacy seeks to address this imbalance by critically examining themes such as cooperation, cultural aid and hard power, and the ascendency of intergovernmental and non-governmental actors as mediators of the dance between nationalism and internationalism. The paper situates heritage diplomacy within broader histories of international governance and diplomacy itself. These are offered to interpret the interplay between the shifting forces and structures, which, together, have shaped the production, governance and international mobilisation of heritage in the modern era. A distinction between heritage as diplomacy and in diplomacy is outlined in order to reframe some of the ways in which heritage has acted as a constituent of cultural nationalisms, international relations and globalisation. In mapping out directions for further enquiry, I argue the complexities of the international ordering of heritage governance have yet to be teased out. A framework of heritage diplomacy is thus offered in the hope that it can do some important analytical work in the field of critical heritage theory, opening up some important but under theorised aspects of heritage analysis.