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1.
南北榜案、南北卷、定额取士是明代科举中三件极具代表性的大事。在详细考证南北榜案始末,南北卷制定的时代背景和定额取士模式形成的基础上,发现三个事件紧密联系,都与区域公平取士有关。通过南北分卷和定额取士,进士作到了公平录取,取士实现了精细化,公平合理地解决了长期以来科举考试中客观存在的南北区域之争,在科举史上极具创新性。  相似文献   

2.
The author, a curator of the Earth Science Museum of Moscow University and an advocate of a general geography, reviews the methodological dispute in Soviet geography. He urges official status in education and research for a general geography that would be concerned with establishing the general geographic laws of the man-nature relationship and would delimit natural-social regions and zones. Such a general geography, in the author's view, would not supersede or dominate the other branches of geography, but would function side by side with the particular disciplines. Proposals made by I. P. Gerasimov in 1966 to restructure geography into basic problem areas instead of the traditional subdivisions are said to be in line with the efforts of those advocating a general geography.  相似文献   

3.
In this article I begin by sketching the main events in a recent dispute over the allocation of fishing quota among Maori. I seek to shed some light on the ideological grounding of this dispute in the simultaneous individualisation and tribalisation of Maori society since the late 19th century. Because the New Zealand nation is now imagined as an essentially binary one (bicultural, or treaty‐based) there is no secure place for urban indigeneity which constitutes a third voice. The inability of urban Maori Authorities to gain a share of the fishing quota is a reflection of this binarism.  相似文献   

4.
This paper is concerned with expressions of Argentine territorial nationalism with a specific focus on the Malvinas/Falklands dispute. Billig’s (1995) notion of banal nationalism has been widely applied as a means to understanding the ways in which national identities are learnt and reproduced by the populace, through a multitude of ‘mundane’ representations. More recently Billig’s (1995) thesis has been critiqued (Jones & Merriman, 2009) for its rigidity and inability to take account of the different ways these nationalisms are produced and received (Müller, 2008) within and outside of the nation-state. We build on these interventions by arguing that research into territorial nationalism should not ignore the wider temporal, spatial, political and everyday contexts in which such discourses emerge and are consumed. To illustrate this diversity we contend that territorial nationalism and, more specifically, the attention placed on the Malvinas dispute by the Argentine government has varied in its intensity, depending on wider political events and agendas in the South West Atlantic and Latin American regions. Secondly, through the use of interview extracts from a pilot study conducted with 20 young people in Buenos Aires, we suggest that Argentine territorial nationalism is not received uniformly across the nation-state and, rather, should be explored in its everyday contexts. These contexts take into consideration things like respondent’s geographical location, personal/familial relationships and generation, amongst other variables, in order to more sensitively appreciate Argentine territorial nationalism’s multifarious reception.  相似文献   

5.
This paper documents the contributions made by Karen Frifelt and Beatrice de Cardi to the history of archaeological research in the United Arab Emirates (UAE). The events leading up to their study of the material culture from the UAE is reviewed and the effects of working in a Muslim, predominantly male society are discussed. 'We are no longer obsessed with the facts of the evidence as some kind of solid factual bedrock beyond dispute, but we put more emphasis on the manner in which material culture is 'read' by the archaeologist or appropriated in her or his discourse' ( 1 ).  相似文献   

6.
This article explores a protracted dispute in the exchequer of receipt that initiated lasting procedural reform. The argument revolved around contested narratives of exchequer history which had direct implications for officers’ fees, rights and status. The ferocity of the dispute has rendered it one of the most-studied episodes in exchequer history, yet historians have largely focused on procedural reform and dismissed the ardour of the protagonists. This article recontextualises the dispute within its political and physical context in the Palace of Westminster to argue that the feud was not merely personal but political. By drawing together officers’ personal papers with exchequer records and architectural records of the palace, this article demonstrates the agency of individuals in influencing institutional reform. The protagonists operated within webs of overlapping loyalties between crown, institution and patrons which reflects the place of the Receipt in central government. Consideration of the warring officers in this context reveals that the outcome of the dispute was not in spite of their passions, but a product of them.  相似文献   

7.

The Internet is a hospitable medium for distance learning. Some geography educators fear that distance education confronts the discipline with a moral dilemma, however. One, in particular, acknowledges some of the advantages of distance learning, but contends that it cannot convey the sense of place that is 'the essence of what it means to be a geographer'. This paper is concerned with the morality of distance learning. In particular, it considers educators' obligations to deliver quality education, and to make it as widely accessible as possible. The paper stresses that the key distinction between distance learning and traditional resident instruction is not the mode of delivery, nor is it the distances in time and space that separate students and teachers. Rather, it is that distance learners are a qualitatively different, older population, with different educational needs from traditional on-campus undergraduates and graduate students. The paper argues that geography educators have a moral obligation to serve lifelong learners, an obligation that should take precedence over our allegiance to conventional notions about what constitutes the essence of our field.  相似文献   

8.
This article examines the relevance and importance of mediation in the management of international disputes. It utilises an original data set on disputes and mediation events to analyse systematically the factors and conditions associated with successful mediation. Four clusters of factors, and their relative impact on mediation, are explored. These are: (a) factors concerning the dispute itself, (b) factors concerning the parties in dispute, (c) factors pertaining to the mediator, and (d) factors pertaining to mediation behaviour. Multiple regression analysis reveals that the level of hostility, as measured by fatalities, has the greatest (negative) impact on the chances of successful mediation. Other variables that significantly affect mediation success include a history of friendly relations, socio‐cultural similarity, neutral grounds, and an active mediation strategy.  相似文献   

9.
《五洲地理志略》是王先谦晚年在学术研究方向转变之后所撰的一本比较成熟的史地学著作。作者以传播、普及中外历史地理知识为宗旨,向人们介绍西方史地学知识,并且将忧国意识与传统的史学方法融入撰写内容之中。作者对中外相关书籍认真比较后,广搜博采,严密考订,尤其关注于新近出现的人文地理大事件。作者重视探讨救亡途径,故而该书的撰述还体现出经世思想与忧患意识的时代特征。  相似文献   

10.
《史记》的缺补问题在学术界一直争论较大。这一疑案总的看有两大关键问题:一是《史记》的亡缺问题,二是《史记》的补窜问题。关于《史记》的亡缺,古今以来的学者有多种说法,归纳起来,主要有七种;《史记》的补窜问题较为复杂,所谓“补”,是指对《史记》缺亡的部分进行补写,附骥《史记》而行;“续”是指对《史记》以后的事件进行续写;“窜”是指其他文字窜入《史记》文本之中。补窜问题涉及到《史记》中的许多篇目,古今学者也进行了多方面的考辨。解决《史记》的缺补问题,对于搞清《史记》文本的本来面目具有重要意义。  相似文献   

11.
1954年中印协定是20世纪五六十年代中印边界争端中双方争论的一个焦点.当时的印度政府认为,1954年中印协定解决了中印之间包括边界在内的所有悬而未决的问题,是其主张的中印边界中段的条约依据,和平共处五项原则写入协定表明中国确认了印度政府主张的中印边界.中国政府认为,1954年中印协定和写入其中的和平共处五项原则与中印边界无关,更不能表明中国承认了印度主张的任何一段中印边界.中国政府的观点是符合历史事实的.印度政府坚持上述主张及其拒绝续签1954年中印协定的做法,只是为了把其主张的中印边界强加给中国,这对中印关系产生了极坏的影响.  相似文献   

12.
李永春 《安徽史学》2006,35(2):87-96
胡适、李大钊之间的"问题与主义"之争是一场关于实验主义与社会主义两种思想方法和社 会改造道路的争论,也可说是"少年中国学会"内原有的社会主义与由会外输入的实验主义之间的争论.胡适的实验主义宣传,对学会产生了直接的影响,使学会中原本反对空谈主义,主张从事社会事业和社会活动的会员形成了所谓"问题与主义"派.而围绕着<少年中国>月刊文字方针而展开的"学理与主义"之争,并非人们所说的是"问题与主义"之争的范式转换,而是学会自由研究与预备主义的表现与结果.在导致学会分化的共同主义之争中,胡适及学会内的"问题与主义"派也发挥了一定的作用.  相似文献   

13.
This article pays special attention to the large number of references to political theology by Hans Kelsen and Carl Schmitt, particularly in the interwar period, and seeks to interpret these references in a new way. While Schmitt's analogies between God and state are to be expected considering his strong Catholic roots, such comparisons are much more surprising for a positivist like Hans Kelsen, who always tried to relieve state and law from transcendental elements. The article concludes that, far from being marginal in the doctrinal dispute between Schmitt and Kelsen, references to political theology express and summarize their major controversy about the relation between state and law, as well as about the sources of the state's unity. The heart of the disputatio between the two jurists concerned the ability of the political power to emancipate itself from the juridical order. The ‘legal miracle’—in this context meaning the occasional autonomization of the state from law—was for Schmitt the manifestation of sovereign power. However, for Kelsen it represented the negation of the state's essence, whose actions must be determined only by the legal order.  相似文献   

14.
On May 31, 2010, Australia instituted proceedings before the International Court of Justice in the case of Whaling in the Antarctic (Australia v. Japan). Although Australian politicians had for some time threatened such a course of action, the decision to proceed with international litigation took many observers by surprise, most basically because Japan appeared to be in a strong legal position and the risks associated with the case appeared greater than Australia's prospects for success. This article examines the background to the whaling dispute and suggests two ways in which litigation in the World Court may contribute to resolution of the dispute no matter the legal outcome of the case.  相似文献   

15.
The paper is concerned with the degree to which geomorphological features formed by a large magnitude river flood may be expected to persist in the landscape. Fluvial and hillslope features formed in association with a particularly rare flood, on Exmoor in southwest England, are analysed after a post-event period of 50 years. New recurrence interval analyses and field assessments are combined with earlier data. The concept of static and dynamic aspects of landscape persistence is suggested, and the relative persistence potential of flood-initiated features is indicated in relation to the recurrence interval of formative events.  相似文献   

16.
Andrea Ungari 《Modern Italy》2013,18(2):161-176
Soon after the Second World War and the signing of the 1947 Peace Treaty, Italy was faced with the traumatic loss of its African colonial Empire, an Empire whose establishment had been one of the main objectives of the Fascist regime's foreign policy. This article analyses Anglo-Italian relations in the Somalian context, highlighting the contributions made by Fascism and by the anti-Italian policies of British troops to the tensions that were to lead to the tragic events of January 1948. Attention is focused on the diplomatic mission carried out by Umberto Zanotti Bianco, President of the Italian Red Cross, an important figure in Italian Liberalism. Zanotti Bianco was conscious of the need for Italy to rejoin the ‘club’ of democratic powers and, in accordance with the diplomatic strategy of Foreign Minister Carlo Sforza, he sought to reopen dialogue between Britain and Italy. The dispute between Italy and Britain brought about by the Mogadishu events and, more generally, by the Italian presence in Africa was soon brought to a close, due both to Zanotti Bianco's shrewd strategy and to the clear need for the Western Allies to strengthen De Gasperi's government on the eve of the decisive April 1948 elections.  相似文献   

17.
In Spain around 624, Bishop Martianus was deposed by a church council led by Bishop Isidore of Seville. The fact that Martianus had been framed came to light at another council in 633, which then issued canons meant to prevent future abuses, and to institutionalize provincial councils as centrally-controlled tribunals for local dispute settlements. These events illuminate the problems involved in the Visigothic church's programme for kingdom-wide religious uniformity.  相似文献   

18.
The 1966 Hong Kong riots were the trigger for wide-ranging changes in relationships between the government and the public which shaped the political future of the colony. However, it is not immediately clear why a relatively small-scale disturbance which was quickly contained should have had such a considerable impact. The explanation, it is argued, lies in a confluence of factors. The riots were the first to be specifically concerned with events in Hong Kong rather than in China and therefore required attention to local causes; urban councillors were demanding more electoral representation and devolution of government functions to the Council; the Commission of Inquiry into the riots held public meetings raising political awareness; and reforming senior civil servants saw the riots as an opportunity for change. Because there was antipathy within government towards elections and to any devolution of functions, the recommendations of the Commission of Inquiry were given priority, resulting in administrative rather than public policy or electoral solutions, a decision which retarded the development of democracy.  相似文献   

19.
东汉末年的党锢之祸是中国历史上第一次大规模的党争,历来受到研究者的关注,然题中仍不乏剩义。本文主要考察党锢的缘起及党人集团失败的原因。笔者认为党人集团的失败绝非偶然,至少有三方面的原因值得总结。其一,把宦官作为败坏东汉政权唯一的罪魁祸首有失公允;其二,清流官员欲尽除宦官的计划得不到最高统治者的支持,且他们的过激言论招致皇帝的震怒;其三,党人集团中缺少雄才大略的领袖,在关键时刻优柔寡断,致使功败垂成。  相似文献   

20.
In the context of the forceful dispute over national identity in Moldova, the Communist government of 2001–2009 aimed to articulate a project of “Moldovan identity” which was raised to the level of a state ideology. In the spirit of Soviet propaganda, this project was implemented through public holidays and celebrations. The following analysis examines two case studies—the Wine Festival and the Independence Cup—by discerning the performative practices designed as part of the nation-building project in Moldova between 2005 and 2009. Organized at the official level, but with the strong assistance of mass media, these public events were intended to win the support and attention of Moldovan society by employing rituals and performances similar to those of the Soviet period. The paper addresses the characteristics and mechanisms of these performative practices, and considers why this nation-building project did not achieve its goals, but instead caused tension and disputes. One of the main aims is to understand how the Communist government sought to redefine “the Moldovan nation”.  相似文献   

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