牛津大学詹姆斯·约翰斯通教授在长春讲学

牛津大学著名拜占庭学者詹姆斯·约翰斯通博士于2006年9月16日到26日在东北师范大学历史文化学院做了以“拜占庭与西欧中世纪”为主题的系列讲座。讲座分5个部分：1、古典时代的亚欧大陆西端;2、中世纪早期的拜占庭;3、公元630到1050年之间的拜占庭经济史;4、马其顿王朝时期的社会与政治;5、马其顿王朝的对外关系。他将拜占庭历史置于欧亚大陆历史发展的全局中,以全球史观为基本视角,将公元3至11世纪间拜占庭帝国的社会变迁及各王朝的政策取向以及拜占庭周边民族的历史发展联系起来,揭示了拜占庭由古典向中世纪过渡时期的社会特点及其与周边民族的互动关系。约翰斯通教授结合原始资料分析问题,用语生动、幽默,理论视野广阔、分析力敏锐,给历史学院的师生留下了深刻的印象。《古代文明》2007年2期（总第2期）将刊发约翰斯通教授讲座具体内容。     

拜占庭文明——独特的历史文明模式

本文探讨研究拜占庭文明的方法,分析拜占庭东正教和拜占庭神学的特点及其对社会发展的影响。通过对拜占庭文明与中世纪西欧文明的比较,说明拜占庭文明的独特性以及拜占庭文明在中世纪基督教世界历史发展中的地位。     

论中世纪伊斯兰海商法的形成

中世纪伊斯兰海商法的形成是一个循序渐进的过程:阿拉伯人从惧怕航海到发展海上贸易,在争夺地中海霸权的同时,积极学习拜占庭文化,根据变化了的社会情况对伊斯兰法做出变革,消化、吸收和改造拜占庭《罗得海商法》,结合伊斯兰教教义和精神,对帝国统治区域内的海商法律规范进行了大量论述,形成伊斯兰特色的海商法。     

"查士丁尼瘟疫"影响初探

“查士丁尼瘟疫”是地中海世界爆发的第一次大规模鼠疫,造成的损失极为严重。但是此次瘟疫对拜占庭帝国的破坏程度还没有得到充分认识,其极高的死亡率不仅使拜占庭帝国人口下降明显,劳动力和兵力锐减,正常生活秩序受到严重扰乱,进而产生了深远的社会负面后果,而且对拜占庭帝国、地中海、欧洲的历史发展都产生了深远影响。     

罗马-拜占庭钱币的流入与印度次大陆的社会变迁

古代及晚期古代,来自地中海世界的罗马-拜占庭钱币大量流入印度次大陆,对该地的社会生活产生了较为深远的影响。通过梳理上述时期印度次大陆的政权格局与流通货币,并对罗马-拜占庭钱币在该地的流通时段、窖藏方式,以及在相应时段所体现的"货币"和"非货币"作用进行分析,可以发现,同一时期东地中海与西印度洋-波斯湾及阿拉伯海区域的远程贸易网络发生了明显的转变,印度次大陆的政治和经济环境也发生了相应的变迁,而且伴随着上述钱币的流入,在南印度的语境中相关的社会和人际关系也产生了变化。     

本期寄语

本期"古代地中海文明"栏刊登了朱毅璋所作的《论荷马史诗中的波塞冬形象》一文。该文认为,古希腊宗教、神话和历史文献中的波塞冬形象,很大程度上是由荷马史诗所奠定的;荷马史诗中的波塞冬在神性之外还有人性一面,其原型可能是一位世俗君主。"拜占庭与欧洲中世纪"栏刊登两篇文章。马锋的《从戴克里先到查士丁尼时代     

拉丁史籍对“1182年君士坦丁堡大屠杀”的历史书写

1182年,拜占庭首都君士坦丁堡城内爆发了一起拜占庭人针对拉丁人的大屠杀行动。通过幸存者、信使、旅行家、路人、十字军等群体的传播,中世纪拉丁作者对这一历史事件进行了详细的记录。他们从不同角度描述了君士坦丁堡大屠杀的全过程和对拉丁人生命、财产和精神所造成的巨大伤害,认为这场大屠杀具有全民参与的特征。拉丁作者从受害者的角度试图对该事件发生的原因作出解释,认为这是拉丁世界和拜占庭帝国矛盾激化的产物,是拜占庭人长期以来仇视情绪的结果。对照拜占庭文献,我们就会发现,拉丁史籍对"1182年君士坦丁堡大屠杀"的记述既有一致性,也存在着明显的偏差。拉丁史籍所塑造出的安德罗尼库斯与穆斯林相勾结、背叛基督教的形象,与历史事实并不相符。这种带有偏见的记载显然是受到了当时社会环境尤其是拉丁世界长期丑化拜占庭帝国心理因素的影响。     

浅析托勒密王朝亚历山大里亚作为文化中心的历史地位

在世界历史的长河中,托勒密王朝在古埃及的历史上画上了浓墨重彩的一笔。而亚历山大里亚作为托勒密王朝的首都,凭借其优越的地理位置、良好的城市环境、宽松的文化政策,作为希腊化世界的文化载体,吸引着大批优秀学者,被誉为"东地中海世界的女皇"。亚历山大里亚作为东西方文化交流与融合的纽带,给后世留下了宝贵的文化遗产,对后世起到了重要的借鉴意义。亚历山大里亚作为地中海世界文化中心这一历史地位,对后世产生了深远的影响。     

欧洲中世纪早期史研究学术研讨会综述

正2013年11月23—25日,由暨南大学文学院历史系主办的欧洲中世纪早期史研究学术研讨会在广州举行。来自中国社会科学院世界历史研究所、北京大学、中国人民大学、南开大学、武汉大学和天津师范大学等单位的四十多名学者参加了此次会议。会议期间,学者们围绕着从古代晚期到中世纪早期是历史的断裂还是缓慢的转变、中世纪早期的"王国"、"国家"、"民族"、"帝国"等观念及其相互关系、拜占庭与西欧的互动、当时诸多编年史记载是否可信、修道思想的解读等问     

古代晚期研究:早期拜占庭研究的超越

正"古代晚期"(Late Antiquity)是指从古典希腊罗马时代末期(或公元3世纪)到8世纪初期这一特定的历史阶段,主要描述以地中海和欧洲为中心,包括西罗马帝国、东罗马帝国和近东地区出现的社会转型时期,这一时空范畴恰好就是拜占庭早期历史研究的对象。①关于"古代晚期"具体的分期时限学界还存在争议,从狭义上,指的是从君士坦丁一世(324—337年在位)到伊拉克略一世(610—641年在位)时期,大致从3世纪到7世纪的300年间;从广义上,则可追溯到公元50年至150年,后     

The Politics of European Union Immigration Policy: Institutions, Salience, and Harmonization

This article examines recent attempts to create a common European Union (EU) immigration policy. This "harmonized" policy has faced political blockages, despite being seen by most observers as necessary if the EU is to meet its goal of free movement of labor. Because of this resistance, immigration harmonization has lagged behind other EU policy areas. To explain national resistance to harmonizing immigration policy, our article develops a theoretical and conceptual model of how immigration policy is potentially harmonized at the EU level, but how this harmonization can be blocked or restricted. We explain these political blockages with a model of intergovernmental bargaining that focuses on political salience, political partisanship, and institutions that protect immigrant rights. We argue that these national-level factors have determined the success and the nature of various harmonization proposals, by determining the positions of member states when negotiating in the European Council. Our primary hypothesis is that when the political salience of a given immigration issue is high, any harmonization that results is more likely to be restrictive toward immigrant rights. We also hypothesize that the impact of institutions that protect immigrant rights, and of political partisanship, is variable depending on the issue area and the national context. We use literature on European integration, immigration politics, agenda-setting, venue-shopping, and two-level games to theorize, operationalize, and test these hypotheses. The article helps to advance scholarly work on immigration politics, but our model could also conceivably be applied to other high-salience policy areas in the EU.     

宁夏镇北堡移民文化旅游开发初探

移民文化具有多元性、宗教性、民族性和开放性的特征。本文以宁夏镇北堡为例,分析了镇北堡移民文化的由来和特征;对镇北堡开发移民文化旅游进行了可行性分析,包括区位优势分析和资源优势分析。在资源优势分析中,笔者运用层次分析法(AHP)对镇北堡旅游资源价值进行了综合评价,得出了旅游资源的文化价值是影响旅游资源开发潜力最重要的因素;同时也说明了移民文化在整个镇北堡旅游资源中具有极高的文化价值。最后,笔者提出了宁夏镇北堡移民文化旅游开发思路和开发战略。     

Immigration and social justice: towards a progressive European immigration policy?

"Stepping back from current debates over immigration in the new 'Fortress Europe', this paper examines moral and philosophical arguments for an alternative and more 'progressive' immigration policy. Despite recent interest within geography in principles of social justice, the extent to which such principles reach beyond particular societies or nations has rarely been considered explicitly. The notion of social justice may be extended to the question of immigration, without taking the position that migration should itself be seen as a 'human right'. Even within relatively conservative contractarian and communitarian conceptions of social justice, a number of suggestions can be made for 'progressive' policy options, in particular by focusing on the communal rights and duties of societies rather than the human rights of individual migrants."     

Skill,Migration and Gender in Australia and Canada: The Case of Gender-based Analysis

The shift away from family immigration and towards skilled immigration is one of the most important changes over the past decade in Australian immigration policy. Yet the implications of this shift for female applicants have remained largely unexplored. Skilled immigration has slipped by as a genderless story in which the androgynous skilled migrant is the central character and economists do most of the storytelling. This paper discusses the gender equality concerns raised by the policy shift towards skilled immigration. It argues that Australia's skilled immigration scheme disadvantages female applicants through its construction both of economic independence and ‘skill.’ A comparison with Canada's skilled migration law and regulations, which are audited by gender mainstreaming tools, is considered to ascertain what role, if any, gender-based analysis plays in identifying and rectifying the potential gender inequalities produced by skilled immigration selection.     

永嘉移民与镇江

发生于西晋末永嘉年间席卷全国的移民浪潮,不仅对当时镇江的城市建设和经济开发起到了十分重要的推动作用,同时对镇江地区的语言分化、化艺术的发展以及社会风气的嬗变等也都有着明显的冲击和影响。     

20世纪末以来澳大利亚移民政策的转型及其对华人新移民的影响

论文分析了二战后至20世纪90年代特别是20世纪末以来澳洲移民政策的演变,认为澳大利亚移民政策的改革与转型,主要是在经济理性主义的指导下进行的,并逐渐形成以技术移民为核心的移民选择体系。移民政策转型对华人新移民的影响主要表现在华人新移民数量持续稳定增长、地区来源构成发生重大变化、技术移民比重持续走高、女性移民越来越多、华人新移民地区分布趋向多元化、华人新移民回流潮日趋明显等方面。     

Do Perceptions Match Reality? Comparing Latinos’ Perceived Views of State Immigration Policy Environments with Enacted Policies

This paper explores assumptions made and measurement approaches in the nuanced pathway between enacted state immigration policies and the outcomes they affect in Latino immigrant communities. Scholars across a variety of fields have found that contemporary state immigrant policymaking is associated with outcomes in immigrant communities including political engagement, mental and physical health, access to education, and labor opportunities. In this paper, we explore questions of how state immigration policies produce these and other outcomes. Much of this literature relies on the assumption that members of the immigrant communities are aware of the state policies being enacted, yet few quantitative studies of the effects of state immigration policy contain measures of both policy and of perception. We seek to determine the extent to which Latino immigrants are aware of state immigrant policymaking to help determine whether state immigration policies are a valid approach to measure perceptions of the immigration policy environment in Latino immigrant communities. Additionally, we explore alternative measures of immigration policy. Our findings are particularly relevant to policymakers and immigration scholars as the contemporary political environment has helped to fuel anti‐immigrant sentiments and rhetoric contributing to Latinos’ perceptions of the state immigrant policy environment.     

Anti‐Immigrant Sentiment and the Adoption of State Immigration Policy

Over the last two decades, the American states have become increasingly active in shaping U.S. immigration policies. One consistent predictor in studies of state immigration policies revolves around public opinion or mass political attitudes in the form of anti‐immigrant sentiment. Unfortunately, past research relies extensively on blunt demographic proxies or other alternative replacements to measure mass opinion. Through incorporating a direct measure of anti‐immigrant sentiment constructed from public opinion surveys, we uncover mixed results. In static models, anti‐immigrant sentiment predicts a state’s overall immigration policy restrictiveness or policy “tone”; however, mass opinion fails to consistently predict immigration restrictiveness in more dynamic models of annual policy change and total number of hostile policies. We theorize that state legislators are likely responding to mass opinion with immigration policy restrictiveness when citizens mobilize and demand accountability during times of heightened issue salience. However, during times of reduced salience among the populace the influence of anti‐immigrant sentiment wanes, and commercial and political elites are seemingly able to shift individual immigration policies in more accommodative directions. Anti‐immigrant sentiment can motivate state immigration policy restriction, but likely only during select periods of heightened issue salience and attentive, engaged citizenry.     

With a Little Help from Our Feds: Understanding State Immigration Enforcement Policy Adoption in American Federalism

Since 2001, state governments have adopted 287(g) cooperative immigration enforcement agreements with the federal government that authorize their law enforcement personnel to assist in detaining violators of civil federal immigration law. Employing a theoretical framework drawn from theories of policy adoption, intergovernmental relations, and immigration research, we test which state‐level political, sociodemographic, geographic, and economic determinants influence states to enter into such a cooperative agreement. In addition to finding that the partisanship of a state's governor, a state's effort on public welfare, and an increase in a state's percentage of Hispanics are related to the adoption of a cooperative immigration enforcement policy, we found evidence of “steam valve federalism” working not at the state level as Spiro (1997) first theorized but at the local level. When a state's localities adopt immigration enforcement agreements with the federal government, the state itself is far less likely to adopt their own. Understanding the reasons states would adopt this type of policy sheds light on current trends in state immigration policy and their effect on future state/federal intergovernmental relations.