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Eskandar Sadeghi-Boroujerdi 《Iranian studies》2014,47(6):987-1009
This article examines the importance of the political thought and praxis of politico, ‘reformist’ strategist and intellectual, Sa?id Hajjarian, and his rethinking of the post-revolutionary Iranian state’s sources and bases of legitimacy in the 1990s and 2000s. It also provides an exposition and assessment of a number of his recommendations for the realisation of ‘political development’ (towse?eh-ye siyāsi) in the post-revolutionary order and their contribution to the discourse of eslāhāt during the presidency of Hojjat al-Islam Mohammad Khatami (1997–2005). Moreover, it attempts to situate Hajjarian within a broader spectrum of reformist political opinion and its proponents within the Islamic Republic of Iran’s political class. 相似文献
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Ivan Kordiš 《Imago Mundi: The International Journal for the History of Cartography》2016,68(2):212-231
Early modern regional maps of Europe usually indicated the area occupied by people who were beginning to refer to themselves as Slovenians under various names. It was not until the mid-nineteenth century that the actual extent of the Slovenian language was depicted on a map and Slovenians were recognized as a nation within the Austrian Empire. Much of the credit for the systematic recording of the distribution of Slovenian speakers can be attributed to Peter Kozler, the Gottscheer German lawyer who compiled his pioneering The Map of the Slovenian Land and Its Provinces [Zemljovid slovenske de?ele in pokrajin] during the political upheavals associated with the ‘Spring of Nations’ and the 1848 Revolution in the Habsburg Monarchy. Although Kozler’s map was completed in 1852 and first printed in 1853, the authorities repeatedly delayed its publication until 1861. This article uncovers the history of the map’s production and eventual publication. 相似文献
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《Journal of Medieval History》2012,38(5):523-552
ABSTRACTBefore the First Crusade, the maritime cities of Italy imported precious objects from Islamic regions. The question of what they exported in return has long occupied historians. Due to the large economic disparity between Latin Italy and the wealthier House of Islam, human trafficking offered a strong profit opportunity to merchants from Amalfi, Pisa and other ports. This was because the price of a slave in Egypt or North Africa, at around 20 gold dinars, represented a large sum in the silver currency zones of Latin Europe, especially compared to low prices in Italy. Even moderate numbers of trafficked humans may therefore have provided the capital for further maritime economic expansion. Moreover, slaves offered a commodity with low infrastructure and transportation requirements, unlike bulk agricultural products, as well as unique advantages in market access, which suggests that slave trading preceded investment in other branches of commerce. 相似文献
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Etiido Effiong Inyang 《Journal of Genocide Research》2018,20(1):20-43
The short-lived separatist campaign for an independent nation of Biafra that resulted in the Nigerian civil war has provoked significant studies and provided a pool of new understandings on the exacerbation and management of internal conflicts in modern societies. The generation and circulation of ideologies that instigate these conflicts have remained an enduring area of interest to varying shades of scholars who seek to understand the negotiation of highly polarized positions between constructed nationalities. This article adopts studies in iconography, and critical analysis, to review the narrative constructions of the themes and channels of visual propaganda employed by the separatist establishment for the prosecution of the war for secession and self-determination. By doing so, it also seeks to draw inferences from the formal artistic development that elicited the conceptual thinking behind the images and their application in a range of conventional and unconventional publicity media in Biafra and internationally. It also aims to establish pictorial connections with the historical facts of the war to enrich the interpretation and comprehension of the subtleties of the war. Biafran visual propaganda artefacts described in this article testify to an attempt by the Eastern Nigerian political elite to select from the common fears of its populace to hang on to a secessionist agenda during the civil war. 相似文献
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Robert Balazs 《Journal of the history of the neurosciences》2013,22(2):199-207
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Savvas Kyriakidis 《Mediterranean Historical Review》2014,29(2):139-153
The so-called empire of Nicaea was one of the new political entities that emerged in the aftermath of the Fourth Crusade in 1204. The raison d'être of Nicaea was the recovery of Constantinople and the restoration of the Byzantine Empire. Consequently, the Nicaean rulers were almost constantly involved in wars against the Latin empire of Constantinople. Nevertheless, west-European soldiers made up a large part of the Nicaean armies. This article examines the impact of these troops on the military ideology and military organization of Nicaea during the reign of the rulers of the Laskarid dynasty. 相似文献
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Indo-Iranian Journal - 相似文献
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Chad G. Lingwood 《Iranian studies》2011,44(2):175-191
This article explores Salāmān va Absāl, one of seven poems which comprise Jāmī's collection of long masnavīs, known collectively as the Haft aurang. The work, which gained some renown outside Iran due to the English version of Edward FitzGerald, has nevertheless received little attention in modern scholarship. The few investigations of Salāmān va Absāl, moreover, have dwelled on its narrative, which tells the story of the carnal attraction of a prince for his wet-nurse, and never situated the work in its historical context or examined its political content. In addition, the allegorical symbolism of the tale, especially its depiction of key stages of the Sufi path, such as the act of repentance, has not been discussed in terms of representing a work of mystical advice. With these concerns in mind, the present article discusses the possibility that the political elements in Salāmān va Absāl complement the advice it gives on becoming a Sufi. Seen from this perspective, it would appear that Salāmān va Absāl correlates the notion of the just ruler to the Sufi concept of the “Perfect Man” to the extent that Jāmī presents the Sufi-king as the ideal medieval Islamic ruler. By implication, the work advises its royal patron, Sultān Ya‘qūb, to repent and embark upon the Sufi path, doing so, Jāmī intimates, would lead Ya‘qūb to realize his rank as God's “true” vicegerent. 相似文献
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Amalia Ribi Forclaz 《国际历史评论》2019,41(2):351-371
This paper examines the early years of the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) and its conceptualization of ‘rural welfare’, an approach that foresaw the modernization of agricultural societies and the alleviation of poverty through improvements in labor, housing, health, education of people working in agriculture. Based on the correspondence of FAO officials and experts, the paper shows how in the late 1940s, the Rural Welfare Division, under the leadership of its Director Horace Belshaw, promoted a low-modernist and local-sensitive approach to rural development that emphasized the subjectivity of welfare and that was skeptical of top-down development programs. As the paper argues, Belshaw's holistic understanding of rural communities was abandoned in the early 1950s in favor of an increasingly technical development consultancy, characterized by short-term interventions rather than by an intellectual and scientific debate about the larger implications of development. 相似文献
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C.A. Romein 《The Seventeenth century》2014,29(3):277-292
In 1646, Landgravine Amelie Elisabeth wanted to regain the principality of her late husband, on behalf of her son, the minor Wilhelm VI. A conflict (re)ignited as she took 4000 Malter of Corn without the nobility’s consent, consequently violating ancient privileges. Subsequently, the nobles assembled to discuss the affair. This meeting meant an attempt to undermine the government, at least, that was the interpretation of Amelie Elisabeth, and all meetings were consequently forbidden. Since friendly requests – such as the 1647 Remonstratio – did not work, the knights changed their strategy. In 1652 a Replicae was sent to the Reichskammergericht in Speyer, the first of a series of legal suits which eventually led to a Vergleich (Agreement, 2 October 1655). The nobility as well as the landgrave used fatherland rhetoric to stress the legality of their argument and their claims to protect Hesse-Cassel, their fatherland. 相似文献
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Geoffrey N. Swinney 《Scottish Geographical Journal》2013,129(2):121-151
Published and archival sources are examined to elucidate the career of William Gordon Burn Murdoch, artist, bag‐piper, explorer, geographer, hunter, Scottish nationalist, traveller, whaler and writer. Burn Murdoch's diverse contributions to geography are discussed, as are the roles he played in the Royal Scottish Geographical Society and other Scottish scientific and literary societies. A preliminary list of his extant original works of art is included. 相似文献
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