热战、冷战、冷和:美国全球扩张的战略反思

发展与扩张是美国国策的一条主线。“热战”、“冷战”与“冷和”则是美国基于国内经济与社会发展而对全球扩张的依序相循的三段路径。反法西斯战争是全世界人民的胜利,美国却是世界胜局的最大受益。二次战后初期以来,美国挑起“冷战”,以“经济分流”与“民主工程”令苏联解体,使自身处于一超独大的世界之位。在“冷和”条件下,美国对发展中国家推进“改造工程”,则是其对全球扩张的新目标。三内生互动的解读,有益于人们的深度战略反思。     

Media,power and space: ways of constructing the periphery as the ‘other’

The article examines the representation patterns of the Israeli geographic periphery in the national media over a period of four decades. Its main goal is to analyse the role that the national press plays in constructing the periphery as the ‘other’ in public consciousness. Our analysis demonstrates how the press makes use of diverse strategies, all leading to the construction of peripheral locations as ‘unimportant’, ‘marginal’ or ‘negligible’, and all characterized by events, customs, culture, norms and behaviour patterns different from those characteristic of the ‘centre’. We will show how the national press glorifies the Israeli ‘centre’, defines who is included within its boundaries and who is not, and delineates between it and the periphery.

Les médias, le pouvoir et l'espace: les manières de construire la périphérie en tant qu’ «Autre»

centre–périphérie, images négatives, médias

Cet article propose un examen des schémas de représentation de la périphérie géographique d'Israël dans les médias nationaux au cours des quatre dernières décennies. L'objectif principal est d'analyser le rôle de la presse nationale dans la construction de la périphérie en tant qu’ «Autre» dans la conscience publique. Notre étude met en évidence comment la presse applique diverses stratégies qui, dans l'ensemble, permettent la construction de lieux périphériques «sans importances», «marginaux» ou «négligeables» définis par des événements, coutumes, normes et comportements distincts de ceux qui caractérisent le «centre». Nous allons montrer comment la presse nationale glorifie le «centre» israélite, détermine qui peut se trouver à l'intérieur de ses frontières et qui en est exclus, et trace une limite entre le centre et la périphérie.

Los medios de comunicación, el poder y el espacio: maneras de construir la periferia como ‘lo otro’

centro–periferia, imágenes negativas, los medios de comunicación

Este artículo examina representaciones de la periferia geográfica de Israel en los medios de comunicación nacionales durante un período de cuatro décadas. El objetivo principal es analizar el papel jugado por la prensa nacional en la construcción de la periferia como ‘lo otro’ en la conciencia pública. Nuestro análisis demuestra cómo la prensa hace uso de diversas estratégias que llevan a la construcción de lugares periféricos que son considerados ‘no importantes’, marginales’, o ‘insignificantes’. Estos lugares se caracterizan por acontecimientos, costumbres, cultura, normas y pautas de comportamiento siempre distintos de los del ‘centro’. Enseñamos el modo en que la prensa nacional glorifica el ‘centro’ israelí, define a quién se incluye y a quién no, y traza una línea entre este centro y la periferia.     

The power of precision air strikes and social media feeds in the 2012 Israel–Hamas conflict: ‘targeting transparency’

This article analyses the evolving uses of social media during wartime through the IDF (Israel Defense Forces) Spokesperson Facebook and Twitter accounts. The conflict between Israel and Hamas-affiliated groups in November 2012 has generated interesting data about social media use by a sovereign power in wartime and the resultant networked discourse. Facebook data is examined for effective patterns of dissemination through both content analysis and discourse analysis. Twitter data is explored through connected concept analysis to map the construction of meaning in social media texts shared by the IDF. The systematic examination of this social media data allows the authors’ analysis to comment on the evolving modes, methods and expectations for state public diplomacy, propaganda and transparency during wartime.     

A Two‐Tiered Method for Identifying Trends in Media Framing of Policy Issues: The Case of the War on Terror

Research on media framing of policy issues has flourished. Yet the varied approaches to conceptualizing and operationalizing issue frames that make this literature rich also hinder its advancement. Here, we document the benefits of a two‐tiered method: the first level accounts for issue‐specific frames, while the second level tracks frames that generalize across issues. For this study, we draw on generalizable frames from prospect theory (loss vs. gain frames) and social identity theory (self‐referential vs. other‐referential frames). We discuss the theoretical merits of a two‐tiered approach, arguing that it should yield compound insights greater than the sum of its parts. Applying this method to newspaper coverage of the war on terror, we find a strong trend at the generalizable level: media framing of the war shifted over time from a predominant use of “fear” (self‐referential loss) frames to an increasing use of “charity” (other‐referential gain) frames. Our approach further reveals that the fear frames used in the lead‐up to the Iraq War were not driven by issue‐specific frames related to terrorism or weapons of mass destruction as we might have thought, but rather by frames related to the anticipated threats to U.S. troops. This study sharpens our understanding of how framing of the war evolved, but more broadly it suggests that a two‐tiered approach could be applied both within and across policy issues to advance our understanding of the framing process.     

Geopolitical boundary narratives, the global war on terror and border fencing in India

This article investigates how expansive new security projects have gained both legitimacy and immediacy as part of the 'global war on terror' by analysing the process that led to the fencing and securitising of the border between India and Bangladesh. The framing of the 'enemy other' in the global war on terror relies on two crucial shifts from previous geopolitical boundary narratives. First, the enemy other is described as not only being violent but also as outside the boundaries of modernity. Second, the enemy other is represented as posing a global and interconnected threat that is no longer limited by geography. These two shifts are used to justify the new preventative responses of pre-emptive military action abroad and the securitisation of the borders of the state. This article argues that in India the good and evil framing of the global war on terror was mapped onto longstanding communal distinctions between Hindus and Muslims. In the process, Pakistan, Bangladesh and increasingly Muslims generally are described as violent, irrational and a threat to the security of the Indian state. These changes led to a profound shift in the borderlands of the Indian state of West Bengal, where fencing and securitising the border with Bangladesh was previously resisted, but now is deemed essential. The article concludes that the framing of the war on terror as a global and interconnected problem has allowed sovereign states to consolidate power and move substantially closer to the territorial ideal of a closed and bounded container of an orderly population by attempting to lock down political borders.     

Slow boat from China: public discourses behind the ‘going global’ media policy

What mission and objectives does China want to achieve through its project of globalizing Chinese media? What are its moral and intellectual justifications? What key recommendations are being made in its policy deliberations so far, and to what extent do they represent continuity with or departure from China’s past? I pursue these questions in this paper through an analysis of a range of policy statements and scholarly research published in China. First, I examine the extent to which China’s public diplomacy policy has shifted, paying particular attention to both continuity and change over time. I then outline the major policy recommendations that have been proposed as part of China’s efforts to improve its global image through media expansion. Finally, I consider the ways in which various moral and intellectual resources have been marshalled to justify and propel such initiatives.     

中国抗日战争在世界反法西斯战争中的历史地位

抗日战争时期,在中国共产党的倡导和推动下,建立了全民族的抗日民族统一战线,中国人民的抗日战争抵制和消耗了日本军队大量的兵力,阻止了日本进攻苏联的计划,配合和援助了世界反法西斯战争。因此,中国人民抗日战争在世界反法西斯战争中具有重要的历史地位。     

对冷战后局部战争的地缘政治思考

冷战后,随着苏联的解体,世界格局保持了近半个世纪的力量均势失衡,造成了局部地区的力量真空和失衡。美国则依靠其唯一的大国优势,在\"维护正义\"、\"保护人权\"的幌子下到处发动或参加海外局部战争,使得世界并没有因冷战结束而进入人们所企盼的和平发展时代。从1991年海湾战争至今的12年中,全球发生了几十次局部战争,对世界格局产生着重大的影响。本文仅从冷战后发生的四次大规模局部战争的地缘政治背景分析,来探讨在新的世界格局和新的地缘环境中,我国的地缘政治形势和维护国家安全利益的对策。     

"Just War" and the Contemporary Art of Justifying the Unjustifiable

Abstract

This article assesses the recent application of "just war" criteria by Charles Reed. It is clear Reed has uncritically supported Anglo-American power by omitting a great deal of counter evidence and by misrepresenting opposing views. Some consideration is given to the ways in which intellectuals can unintentionally support violence and power.     

The Italian government's response to the problem of Jewish refugees 1945–1948∗

This article deals with the fall of Palestinian-Arab Jaffa in the 1948 war. As the largest Arab city in Palestine, its accelerated social and military collapse came as a surprise to many, despite Jewish dominance in the Jaffa region. While previous research has mostly neglected this question, the present study aims at revealing the underlying causes, besides Jewish military pressure, for Jaffa's collapse and the resulting exodus of its Arab population. The article describes the precarious social and military Palestinian-Arab situation in Jaffa as a case study for Palestine as a whole during the December 1947–May 1948 inter-communal war.