A new theropod dinosaur from South Australia

The Oligocene vegetation at Pioneer was closed temperate rainforest dominated by Nothofagus johnstonii Hill, which probably produced N. menziesii-type pollen. However, other angiosperms (Quintinia, Cupaniae, Ilex, Cunoniaceae, Myrtaceae, Proteaceae and Winteraceae) were also present, as well as several conifers (Athrotaxis, Phyllocladus, Podocarpus, Dacrydium, Dacrycarpus and Araucariaceae). This rainforest was floristically more complex that the modern Tasmanian Nothofagus cunninghamii rainforests but contained many taxonomically related elements. One major difference was that a fern similar to extant Cyathea filled the riparian niche now largely occupied by the tree-fern Dicksonia antarctica. There is indirect evidence that species producing Nothofagus brassii-type pollen may have occurred upstream of the site of deposition, suggesting that the Nothofagus species were altitudinally zoned or edaphically restricted. The current absence of many of these Nothofagus species in Tasmania may be due to their inability to survive the low temperatures of the Quaternary glaciations. The high degree of similarity of the Pioneer palynoflora to that recorded in Oligocene sediments in onshore (Partridge, 1971) and offshore (Stover &; Partridge, 1973; Stover &; Evans, 1973) Gippsland Basin strongly suggests that there was little regional differentation in southeastern Australia at that time.     

Polis and Oikos: The Art of Politics in the Greek City-State

ABSTRACT

The Greek city-state has traditionally been viewed as an entity that was divided into two distinct spheres (oikos and polis) and governed by two distinct arts (oikonomia and politikê technê). The aim of this article is to show that this image of the Greek city-state is not very accurate. The relationship between the oikos and the polis was not exclusive in classical poleis. Particularly in Athens during the democratic period, the polis was depicted as a family writ large, and to the extent that oikos was seen as an entity of its own, it was a part of the polis, not excluded from or opposed to it. My aim is to show that the art of the household and the art of politics were not distinct arts as has been claimed in modern political theory. Furthermore, although the collapse of the classical city-state during the Hellenistic era entailed a privatization of the household, it was not until modern times, from the late eighteenth century onwards—when the concept of the natural right to life and property became firmly established in juridical and political discourses—that the private sphere attained genuine autonomy.     

Friends Farm: Australia’s First Quaker Commune

Australia has a long and rich history of religious groups trying to establish some sort of utopia by removing themselves from urban centres to rural idylls. The first of these was H errnhut, in western Victoria (1853–1889), and today there are many such as D anthonia B ruderhof and N ew G ovardhana, in NSW, C henrezig, in Queensland and R ocky C ape H utterites in Tasmania. While Quakers in the UK and USA have a tradition of forming rural communes starting from the seventeenth century, the first, and most important of such in Australia was F riends F arm, established in 1869 on what is now Queensland’s Sunshine Coast. This group was led by the charismatic Alfred Allen, a radical Quaker from Sydney. He believed that he had been reborn, held Christ within him, and had achieved sin‐free perfection. He was disowned, twice, by Sydney Quakers after when he led his small band of would‐be communards to the “wilderness” of Queensland where they sought to create a perfect society. Not surprisingly, it did not quite work out that way.     

Whence nationalism?

ABSTRACT. There is widespread agreement that nationalism emerged in the historical fountainheads of modernity, and was subsequently diffused outwards. Contrary to that, there is a long standing view that nationalism precedes modernity even in the broadly accepted cradles of both modernity and nationalism, such as England or France, neither of which was modern when it engendered nationalism. Besides, some emergent nationalisms ran concurrent with their English or French counterparts, with little evidence of having been spawned by diffusion. Such early or protonationalisms often sprang from resistance to foreign conquest, putting in doubt the invention‐diffusion hypothesis. I am therefore suggesting that nationalism has not emerged in few societies, but in many, and that it was engendered by social interactions, not by a particular social formation. While nationalism emerges within society, its genesis occurs in‐between social groups and societies, making it a product of their interactions. That makes it u‐topic, its cradles socially diverse, and its conception interactional, not gestational.     

SHEAR MODULUS AND DAMPING OF CLAYEY SANDS

A series of cyclic triaxial tests on clayey sands was carried out and attempts were made to evaluate the strain dependency of shear modulus and damping. Although the strain dependency of the shear modulus of clayey sands was similar to that of clay in the low strain range, G/G ₀ became close to that of clean sand in the high strain range. The damping ratio was less for the clayey sand containing more fines, especially in the medium to large strain range. It was shown that the change in the effective confining stress with loading cycles in the undrained shear test needed to be considered, particularly in the large strain range. The consideration can be made by normalising G with G ₀' instead of using G ₀. When an initial shear stress was applied to the specimen, the amount of residual strain, which was induced with cycles, had to be added to the normal strain amplitude in order to determine the shear modulus. If the effects of excess pore pressure and the amount of residual strain were taken into account properly, it was suggested that the shear modulus of clayey sand in irregular loading could be evaluated reasonably well by using the average G/G ₀—γcurve obtained by cyclic loading tests on isotropically-consolidated specimens.     

Fang Hsiao-Ju 方孝需 in the Light of Early Ming Society

The ancient names huangniao, canggeng and several related terms, usually thought to represent the oriole, appear in Zhou and Han texts, for example in Shijing, Erya, Shanhaijing, and various commentaries. The present article comments on these names. It shows that there was an early stage in which a difference was made between canggeng and huangniao, while in later times, from the Han period onwards, these distinctions gradually disappeared. The article also suggests that, originally, canggeng probably stood for Oriolus chinensis, i.e., the black-naped oriole, while huangniao may have meant several other birds; later on, however, all terms were used for O. chinensis.     

Landschaft,pueblo and altepetl: a consideration of landscape in sixteenth-century Central Mexico

In 1521, the Spanish conquistadors defeated the Nahuas of Central Mexico. Spain was ruled at the time by the House of Habsburg, and its administrators became familiar with the German concept of Landschaft. By 1570, they used this concept to prepare and launch a survey of the indigenous communities which called themselves—and their lands—altepetl. The purpose of this paper is to show to what extent the terms Landschaft and altepetl are equivalent since modern scholars have described both as organized “communities” subject to a customary “law” and possessing a specific piece of “land”. The main obstacle for this comparison is that in the sixteenth century the Spaniards did not have a word equivalent to landscape, and they used words like pueblo, pago and pintura instead, depending on the context. This paper describes the general characteristics of the altepetl in Central Mexico and focuses on its representation by analysing some maps made after the conquest in the area of Cholula, current State of Puebla. The comparison of Landschaft, pueblo and altepetl in historical context is pertinent for cultural geographers since it was during the sixteenth century that the concept of landscape, as we know it today, was taking shape.     

The plebe in the Florentine Histories: Machiavelli’s notion of humours revisited

According to recent scholarship, the Florentine Histories expresses Machiavelli’s growing scepticism toward the popolo. This more elitist ‘late Machiavelli’, however, is an illusion. I show that the illusion arose from (1) the scholarly oversight of Machiavelli’s criticism of the popolo in his early work, Discourses, and (2) the failure to notice his new terminological distinction between the popolo and the plebe in the Florentine Histories. Machiavelli never was a whole-hearted defender of the popolo in the first place, for his consistent commitment was to preserve the balance between the popolo and the grandi. Nor was he unusually critical of the popolo in his later work, Florentine Histories: he directs his harshest criticism to the lower-class plebe and not to the middle-class popolo.     

基于荷载修正的传统木构建筑构件重要性分析方法研究

传统木构建筑的构件重要性对于整体结构状态的评估具有重要意义,为弄清楚传统木构建筑的构件重要性,开发了一种基于荷载修正的传统木构建筑构件重要性评价程序,基于荷载工况修正与荷载重分布修正重构了荷载分布矩阵,基于荷载施加构件修正改进了构件重要性计算方法。以典型传统木构建筑——保国寺大殿为例进行了数值模拟分析,并基于广义刚度评价了构件重要性,分析了各项修正对构件重要性的影响情况以及最终修正对构件重要性的结果变化率。结果表明:柱类构件的修正变化为-0.526%~2.192%;梁栿类构件的修正变化为-2.638%~50.598%;铺作类构件的修正变化为-12.763%~9.989%;槫类构件的修正变化为-7.586%~6.918%。保国寺大殿构件重要性排序:柱类>槫类>梁栿类>铺作类;修正后柱类、梁栿类重要性提高,铺作类、槫类重要性降低。可为传统木构建筑的结构状态评估和预防性保护提供参考。     

Of reaflac and rapina: accusations of violence in two Old English lawsuits and the Libellus Æthelwoldi

This article examines the meaning and function of the Old English noun reaflac in two tenth-century lawsuit documents, Sawyer 877 and Sawyer 1211. It suggests that reaflac was the vernacular counterpart to the Latin terms violentia and rapina. Such connected terminology suggests that a collection of now lost tenth-century Old English charters, like S 877 and S 1211 in form, was the original source for the twelfth-century Ely house chronicle, the Libellus Æthelwoldi. Charter draftsmen purposefully selected a language of violence in order to delegitimize a rival party’s claim to an estate, regardless of whether any acts of violence had taken place. Reaflac formed part of this narrative strategy in early English lawsuit documents because of its association with contemporary discourses on moralized wrongdoing.     

Legal learning and saintly authority in thirteenth-century hagiography: the Magna vita sancti Hugonis

Law is central to the construction of sanctity in Adam of Eynsham’s Magna vita of Hugh of Lincoln (1186–1200). Hugh had no formal training in canon law, and, beyond the Magna vita, there is no evidence to suggest that he was a particularly proficient judge. If that lack of legal training was not a problem in Hugh’s lifetime, it had become a more sensitive issue by c.1212, the date of the composition of the Magna vita. Rather than ignoring the law, or denying its importance, Adam attempted to demonstrate that Hugh received mastery of legal argument as a divine gift, and multiple miracles involve Hugh correcting legal scholars. Recognising these careful patterns of construction raises problems for reading Adam’s Magna vita. While Adam has traditionally been characterised as a truthful biographer, this reading suggests he was engaged in a more complex project of marrying sanctity to legal learning.     

Taxonomy and historical inertia: Clidastes (Squamata: Mosasauridae) as a case study of problematic paleobiological taxonomy

I review the taxonomic history of two problematic mosasaur species, Clidastes liodontus and Clidastes moorevillensis. The genus Clidastes is thought to represent an early radiation of a diverse clade known as the Mosasaurinae. However, most phylogenetic analyses recover the genus as paraphyletic with respect to more highly nested mosasaurines such as Mosasaurus, Prognathodon, and Globidens. The fragmentary holotype of Clidastes liodontus was never figured or fully described, and was destroyed in World War II. Over 20 years after destruction of the holotype, relatively complete specimens were referred to Clidastes liodontus based upon a single, variable character. Another taxon, originally designated Clidastes liodontus moorevillensis in a master’s thesis and then elevated to Clidastes moorevillensis in a separate dissertation, has never been formally described and lacks definitive diagnostic characters that differentiate it from the contemporary concept of Clidastes liodontus. Clidastes provides an excellent example of how historical inertia in taxonomic nomenclature can build over decades and skew our interpretations of the diversity, paleobiology, biogeography, and biostratigraphy of a taxon. Clidastes liodontus is a nomen dubium and Clidastes moorevillensis a nomen nudum. I recommend that both names be abandoned. Removal of those names frees us from a burdensome taxonomy and eliminates cognitive biases that hinder objective understanding and exploration of early-diverging mosasaurines, and is a necessary first step toward a taxonomic revision of the lineage(s) involved.     

Solomon’s Table Talk: Martin Luther on the Authorship of Ecclesiastes

ABSTRACT

Martin Luther’s comments in a section of Table Talk continue to be used as evidence that he denied the Solomonic authorship of Ecclesiastes. A comparison of the passage with Luther’s “Preface” to Jesus Sirach demonstrates that the majority of Luther’s comments in that section of Table Talk pertain to Sirach. However, the passage also has clear parallels in Luther’s “Preface to Solomon’s ‘The Preacher,’” suggesting that it is a mixture of Luther’s comments on Ecclesiastes and Sirach. The portions of Table Talk which do pertain to Ecclesiastes have commonly been misinterpreted. Luther does not deny that Solomon was the author of Ecclesiastes; he denies that Solomon was the scribe. He thought that Ecclesiastes was written down by students on the basis of the oral teachings of their master, much like his own Table Talk.     

PIGMENTS AND PLASTERS FROM THE ROMAN SETTLEMENT OF THAMUSIDA (RABAT,MOROCCO)

A total of 22 samples were taken both from plasters still in situ and from collapsed material recovered by French, Italian and Moroccan teams at the Roman settlement of Thamusida (Rabat, Morocco). The sample characterization was obtained using optical microscopy, scanning electron microscopy, image analysis and Raman micro‐spectroscopy. Plaster aggregate was made using a mixture of sands and clays that outcrop nearby, while lime was probably produced using the local limestone crust, as was further verified for the mortars. The plasters from the bath complexes (public buildings) and the Temple à trois cellae (sacred building) were very poorly made, while those from areas VII and XX (private buildings) indicated the involvement of more expert masons. The pigments used were cinnabar, red ochre, yellow ochre, Egyptian blue, green earth, chalk white and carbon black. The overall manufacture was of low quality, and hence perfectly comparable to that observed in other Roman Provinces. With respect to Italy and to other Mediterranean Roman sites, Thamusida fits well within an aesthetic and technical koinè that differentiates sites of the Italian peninsula from those in the Provinces.     

Weathering evidence for an additional glacial stage in Tasmania

Quantitative studies of relative dating parameters, including subsurface dolerite weathering rind thickness and weathering front penetration, permit the differentiation of three broad groupings of till deposits in several valleys in north-central, western, western-central and south-western Tasmania. An early cold climatic phase–the Linda Glacial Stage–is recognised on the basis of this weathering evidence which also indicates that there have been at least two more recent Glacial Stages of decreasing severity, termed here the Henty and Margaret Glacial Stages respectively. This three-fold model bears a striking similarity to that of Lewis (1945) which was rejected nearly three decades ago. However, whereas Lewis' model was founded upon erosional evidence, the present study is based entirely upon depositional and weathering evidence.     

Theodorus Priscianus im lateinischen Oribasius

Recent readings of Fam. 12.16 have revealed that Trebonius' aim in writing to Cicero was the complicated result of anxieties over influence. I extend this complexity to Trebonius' citation of the satirist Lucilius and argue that Lucilius is mentioned for his literary status as well as libertas. Trebonius' satire was, in Lucilian vein, directed at the dead Julius Caesar, and Horace in turn refers obliquely in Satires 1.2 to Trebonius, and Cicero's literary representation of and connection with him.     

¿Qué sabemos del Cantar de Fernán González?

The Poem or Book of Fernán González was probably written c. 1250 by a monk of San Pedro de Arlanza (Burgos, Castile) to strengthen the legendary foundation of his monastery by the tenth-century Castilian Count, Fernán González, and to promote his tomb cult there. The Arlanza poet was competing with the benefits that Santiago and San Millán de la Cogolla were trying to get on legendary accounts of the champion of the independence of the County of Castile from the Kingdom of León. It is clear that this is a work of monastic propaganda, designed to attract pilgrims and donations; therefore perhaps a better title for it would be Poem of the Foundation of San Pedro de Arlanza. The Arlanza poet was fond of the popular and orally transmitted Romance epics (Hispanic and Carolingian songs). He knew Siete infantes de Salas, the tradition of the Youthful Deeds of Rodrigo (Gesta de las Mocedades de Rodrigo), the anti-Carolingian song(s) of Bernardo del Carpio, and the Roncesvals Matière. We also suspect that the poet was recasting a now-lost epic cantar de gesta of Fernán González. This cantar was probably also known by Gonzalo de Berceo, who was actively working in San Millán de la Cogolla, a few years earlier, trying to attract pilgrims and donations. In this article, I try to analyze how much we know of the lost Cantar de Fernán González and if the Monastery of Sahagún (León) also reappropriated it for its own propaganda.