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1.
本文以唐朝和元朝时期西藏历史问题为中心,探讨了西藏地方参与、认同中国“大一统”的历史进程。认为西藏参与、认同中国“大一统”有一个持续发展、不断增强的过程;“六人种”或“六氏族”说给通过武力征服而建立起来的吐蕃王朝制造了一种合法的理论根据;元朝将西藏地方纳入中央政府行政管辖之下,为西藏地方认同中国大一统奠定了坚实的基础,具有划时代的意义,实现了元朝中央和西藏地方之间的相互认同;由八思巴《彰所知论》开创的大一统理论在有关藏、汉、蒙和门巴为一母所生兄弟的传说中得以具体展示,是元朝西藏地方认同中国大一统的真实写照,标志着西藏对大一统中国认同过程的基本完成。在中国多民族统一国家的形成和发展过程中,边疆民族也做了巨大的贡献。  相似文献   

2.
1919年中英关于西藏问题的交涉   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
1919年中英就西藏问题进行了交涉。北京政府提出解决西藏问题的新建议。英国希望迅速解决西藏问题 ,交涉时在西藏与中国内地分界线问题上表现出灵活的立场 ,但北京政府突然中断谈判使其感觉受到了愚弄 ,并在外交上对中国进行了报复。日本干预西藏问题的谈判 ,遭到英国的强烈反对。北京政府采取“拖延”谈判的策略 ,对英交涉的立场也越来越强硬 ,最终挫败了英国迅速解决西藏问题、侵犯中国主权的图谋。  相似文献   

3.
民国时期,英国以赠送、出售方式向中国西藏提供了大批武器,对于英国控制西藏,攫取更多权益,将西藏纳入其缓冲地带战略轨道发挥了重要作用。英国对藏武器供应成为撬动英国与中国西藏之间关系的重要杠杆。本文利用英国印度事务部档案及其他史料,对这一时期英国向中国西藏武器供应的时间、种类和数量做了澄清,并论述了其性质。  相似文献   

4.
明朝对西藏的经略始于洪武初年,至洪武八年(1375)基本确定了对西藏的全面统治和管辖.永乐时期的明朝,以西藏为中心阻断蒙古、西域之间的联系,使西藏成为明代“中国”疆域的重要组成部分,出现终明一世,西陲晏然的景象.西藏与明朝之间明确政治管辖关系的形成,既体现出西藏文明东向发展的政治、经济、文化、宗教等层面的强烈需求,也包...  相似文献   

5.
1914—1928年间,在军阀混战、政局多变的大背景下,蒙藏院作为主管蒙藏事务的中央机构,在西藏治理方面做了很多工作,主要是:组织边疆调查,为中央决策提供信息,并参与解决玉树争端;管理喇嘛教事务,办理西藏驻京堪布、内地活佛转世中的涉藏事宜;组织、监督全国性政治会议西藏代表选举和选派,向中央转达西藏地方的意见;协助有关方面派人进藏联络,妥善处理西藏商人进京贸易问题;接待九世班禅,支持西藏地方的爱国力量。这些对加强中央政府与西藏地方的联系、稳固西南边疆发挥了重要作用。但由于种种原因,该院的努力并未完全达到应有的效果。  相似文献   

6.
中共第一代领导集体认为:“西藏人口虽不多,但国际地位极重要”;“西藏是个了不起的地方”,“西藏如果不参加祖国的大家庭,这个家庭的事便不好办了,西藏在祖国大家庭里占有很重要的地位”;西藏地处祖国边疆,地理位置特殊;民族宗教问题比较突出;游牧业经济与基础比较落后;历史上曾遭受帝国主义侵略,遗留问题多,情况比较复杂;自然条件比较特殊。  相似文献   

7.
    
Abstract

This article explores China’s attitudes towards the regulation of key natural resources by international law, domestically and at the trans-boundary and international levels. It considers the impact of international law on China’s own practices, and the contribution of China towards shaping international law. The article suggests that popular conceptions of a relatively isolated, sovereign absolutist China do not accord with contemporary legal realities, including in its dealings with natural resources. While China’s construction of strong sovereignty shapes its attitudes towards legal regulation, practice also suggests that China adopts a nuanced approach which includes legal compromise, and a commitment to multilateral regulation or bilateral diplomatic settlement of issues previously within the competence of national governments. China is often an active and constructive participant in contemporary law-making, even if – like all countries – it also seeks to instrumentally use international law.  相似文献   

8.
    
We describe a preliminary survey of a relatively unknown part of the eastern Himalayas: northwestern Sichuan. This survey revealed that three phases of occupation are represented across the landscape. Large settlements with dense remains characterize the landscape during the Neolithic (3400–2000 cal b.c.). Following a hiatus in occupation, stone-cist graves characterize the region during the Bronze Age (1450–800 cal b.c.). The lack of settlement remains from this period indicates that mobile pastoralism increased in importance. Finally, between a.d. 500 and 1500, dense scatters of ceramics over a wide altitudinal range correspond to a fragmentation in Tibetan history, when local warlords established themselves in the region. While some changes in occupation and subsistence practices are linked to climate change, others relate to changes in political power. We argue that further survey work is needed to expand our understanding of past land use and the development of pastoralist practices.  相似文献   

9.
本文通过考察中央和平解放西藏决策的实施,探讨了中央通过把握国际关系的发展大势、了解西藏地方社会政治的本质,以及藏民族的风俗文化特征来确定处理西藏事务基本原则的过程及内容,分析了治藏政策和措施的丰富内涵,以及治藏政策理论渊源和创新特点。  相似文献   

10.
Abstract:

This paper is concerned with the cultural politics of agency, and explores the relationship between cultural form, migrant experience and social change. It traces the emergence of a range of literary forms in south China and how these new cultural forms provide hitherto unavailable space to contest the state- and market-driven narratives, which tend to link dagongmei’s (rural migrant women’s) sexuality with inexperience and vulnerability on the one hand, and criminality, immorality and incivility on the other. The paper suggests that these newly emerging cultural forms present alternative perspectives on the practical circumstances, moral rationalities and emotional consequences that condition and shape migrant women’s sexual experience, and for this reason, they constitute important points of intervention.  相似文献   

11.
    
The current phase of political conflict in Tibet began with pro‐independence protests in the late 1980s and saw a significant surge of unrest in 2008. But that unrest was not continuous and for much of the last 25 years was at a low level of intensity. Yet the Chinese authorities have categorised the situation in Tibet as a ‘life‐and‐death struggle’ against pro‐independence forces throughout this period. This paper notes earlier debates in Chinese history about political strategies for managing borderland peoples, including late imperial era attempts by Chinese officials to forcibly change Tibetan culture that provoked rather than assuaged conflict. It suggests that this happened again in the 1990s when a group of Chinese officials proposed policies that sought directly to change core cultural practices among Tibetans. These policies of selective cultural intervention, unprecedented in the post‐Mao era in Tibet, fuelled long‐term resentment, leading to the violence and unrest of 2008. The paper argues that these policies were inseparable from the institutional interests of the agency within the Chinese Communist Party, the United Front, which had promoted them, to the extent that its status and influence within the state bureaucracy depended on it preventing them from being challenged or reversed. It made cultural intervention in Tibet seem normative to the Chinese policy elite by invoking three interlocked imaginings about ways of managing borderland peoples – the perception of perpetual war, Han expertise at borderland management, and latent threat within borderland cultures. That these have led to the prolonging of conflict in Tibet for over a quarter‐century is a reminder of the importance of considering institutional dynamics in the analysis of ethnic conflict.  相似文献   

12.
本对丹达神崇拜的产生、发展、衰落过程作了考述。认为丹达神源于清乾隆十八年入藏的云南参军彭元辰殉职于丹达山。后这一崇拜为清朝倡导,遂向拉萨、成都及康藏交通线传播;至辛亥革命位于拉萨和成都的丹达神庙才逐渐废弃,而边坝的神庙香火一直持续到20世纪30年代中期。  相似文献   

13.
Aaron Martin's (2012) recent article is the first to use survey data to compare the political participation of young people with that of older age groups in Australia. As such, it adds to our empirical knowledge of political participation, particularly by emphasising the changing focus of young people's engagement. Yet, like most mainstream, and especially quantitative, political participation researchers, Martin does not engage adequately with the growing, more critical literature). This response raises some of the issues emphasised in this literature, relating them directly to Martin's contribution. It has four sections: firstly, a brief consideration of Martin's main conclusions; secondly, a discussion of putative reasons for the change in forms of participation; thirdly, a consideration of broader forms of political participation; and finally, a consideration of the relationship between identity and political participation, which is at the core of most broader discussions of the latter.

阿隆·马丁(2012)在最近的文章中首先使用调查资料对澳大利亚年轻人和更年长者的政治参与做了比较。他的研究,特别是关于年轻人参与焦点的转移那部分,丰富了关于政治参与的实证知识。但与从事政治参与的主流尤其是定量研究的学者一样,马丁对于正在出现的、批判性的文献缺乏足够的关注。本文根据这些文献提出跟马丁研究相关的问题。本文包括四个部分:1)简要评述马丁的主要结论;2)讨论参与形式变化的推定原因;3)思考更为宽广的政治参与形式;4)思考身份与政治参与之间的关系,那是在更大范围内讨论政治参与的核心问题。  相似文献   


14.
Through a discussion of the intentions behind two hypertext works, Ruth Tringham’s Chimera Web and Rosemary Joyce’s Sister Stories, we present an argument that the new digital media offer unique opportunities for feminist archaeology to realize some of its deepest values. Through the medium of hypermedia and hypertext (multilinear) narratives the complexities of the feminist practice of archaeology (including its multivocal interpretive process) can be grasped, enjoyed, and participated in by a non-archaeological audience more fluidly than in traditional linear texts. We draw attention to the way in which recent developments in digital technology, especially through the Internet, have transformed our ability to share freely the fruits of our creative thought with an ever-expanding audience.
Ruth E. Tringham (Corresponding author)Email:
  相似文献   

15.
    
Summary

The essay collects Ian Hunter's central theoretical and methodological arguments from their various interpretative contexts and restates them in order to consider criticisms, real and imagined. Is Hunter's criticism of common forms of philosophical history itself open to such criticism, making its validity dependent upon prior adoption of a philosophical stance? Is his empirical intellectual history a form of ‘social’ reductionism?  相似文献   

16.
1949--1959年,达赖、班禅两大系统的关系是中央政府治理西藏的重要问题之一,相关决策也成为中国共产党和中央人民政府治理西藏总体战略的一个组成部分。本文依据档案文献,论述了这十年间达赖、班禅两大系统关系的演变过程,并探讨中央政府相关的治藏政策。  相似文献   

17.
Abstract:

Concern has been growing recently in China about the well-being of children, women and the elderly “left behind” on the farm when family members leave the village in search of waged work. Increasingly, the left-behind are portrayed in academic and policy discourse as a “vulnerable group” of passive dependants, sidelined by modernisation and abandoned by their families. This paper challenges this discourse, arguing that while attention to the well-being of the left-behind is vital, there is an urgent need for a shift in focus from their vulnerability to their agency. The paper focuses on the agency of left-behind women between the ages of 50 and 80. It aims, first of all, to point the way toward an empirically richer understanding of the social construction of older women’s agency and well-being. The second aim of the paper is to suggest how different conceptualisations of “agency” and “older women” might contribute to more ethical and politically effective strategies for development and the improvement of women’s well-being. To further these two aims, the paper draws on fieldwork conducted in rural Ningxia, north-western China, and on critiques of the “capability approach” to development expounded by Amartya Sen and Martha Nussbaum.  相似文献   

18.
    
Elizabeth Olson  rew Sayer 《对极》2009,41(1):180-198
  相似文献   

19.
古代壁画是一定时期政治、经济、文化、艺术和科技发展水平的物质反映,因此,利用现代科技分析手段提取其信息并将之与古代文献结合,则可逆推其制作工艺和判定其制作时间,进而确定其历史价值、科学价值和艺术价值,为艺术史研究和保护修复提供信息。本工作利用拉曼光谱(Raman)、偏光显微镜(PLM)、扫描电子显微镜与能谱仪(SEM-EDS)、红外光谱(FT-IR)和X射线衍射(XRD)在西藏大昭寺转经廊壁画样品分析中获取的信息,结合文献,确定西藏拉萨大昭寺转经廊壁画绘制于清代晚期至20世纪80年代之间。此幅壁画地仗使用了阿嘎土,与文献记载一致;白粉层使用立德粉、碳酸镁和方解石等,与文献记载用白胶浆或者黄胶浆相异。同时发现壁画颜料采用藏族传统绘画配色方法。  相似文献   

20.
Michael Foucault's 1979 lectures at the Collège de France on the birth of biopolitics are increasingly read as the most lucid introduction to neoliberal policies. This article invites us to be cautious about such claims by exploring one rather obvious point: these lectures also—and perhaps most important—reflect Foucault's very distinctive and contemporary preoccupations. In 1978, Foucault wrote and thought about three topics that were, in his view, crucial: the idea of “critique” and the influence of Kant; Foucault's project for an “analytical philosophy of politics”; and the crisis of disciplinary society, notably as it related to sexuality. This paper shows that these preoccupations had a profound impact on Foucault's interest in neoliberalism. As a result, the interpretation of the neoliberal revolution proposed in these brilliant lectures is, if not idiosyncratic, at the very least highly partial.  相似文献   

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