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1.
正如人们已经注意到的,“民族”的概念迄今为止在国内外学界一直是一个颇富争议的问题。与此相关联,“民族主义”也同样是一个复杂而难以界定的概念。由于民族主义在中国近代史上生存与发展之历史条件的特殊性,中国近代史上的民族主义更是有着自身不尽同于西方近代民族主义的复杂性。本人拟从“化认同”的特殊视角对中国近代史上民族主义的复杂性问题谈一点看法,以就教于关心这一问题的方家与同道。  相似文献   

2.
关于民族主义现代性的宏观思考   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
"民族主义"问题是个跨学科的话题,也是中国近代史上一个重要而有待深入研究的课题。关于这一问题的研究,历史较长、争议颇多,无论是概念或内容,是历史演变或表现形式,或是理论与实践意义,都备受学界关注。本刊借中国社科院近代思想研究中心召开"中国近代史上的民族主义"会议之机,约请几位专家学者,就这一课题谈些个人认识。各位专家从不同视角切入,触及到了与中国近代民族主义相关的很多层面,他们的论点可能各不相同,也许会有思想交锋,但无疑为我们的研究提供了新思想。我们期待大家的研究及思想火花能够进一步推动"中国近代史上的民族主义"这一课题的深入研究。  相似文献   

3.
中国近代民族主义特征之我见   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
"民族主义"问题是个跨学科的话题,也是中国近代史上一个重要而有待深入研究的课题。关于这一问题的研究,历史较长、争议颇多,无论是概念或内容,是历史演变或表现形式,或是理论与实践意义,都备受学界关注。本刊借中国社科院近代思想研究中心召开"中国近代史上的民族主义"会议之机,约请几位专家学者,就这一课题谈些个人认识。各位专家从不同视角切入,触及到了与中国近代民族主义相关的很多层面,他们的论点可能各不相同,也许会有思想交锋,但无疑为我们的研究提供了新思想。我们期待大家的研究及思想火花能够进一步推动"中国近代史上的民族主义"这一课题的深入研究。  相似文献   

4.
中国近代民族主义的来源、演变及其他   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
"民族主义"问题是个跨学科的话题,也是中国近代史上一个重要而有待深入研究的课题。关于这一问题的研究,历史较长、争议颇多,无论是概念或内容,是历史演变或表现形式,或是理论与实践意义,都备受学界关注。本刊借中国社科院近代思想研究中心召开"中国近代史上的民族主义"会议之机,约请几位专家学者,就这一课题谈些个人认识。各位专家从不同视角切入,触及到了与中国近代民族主义相关的很多层面,他们的论点可能各不相同,也许会有思想交锋,但无疑为我们的研究提供了新思想。我们期待大家的研究及思想火花能够进一步推动"中国近代史上的民族主义"这一课题的深入研究。  相似文献   

5.
中国近代思想史上的民族主义   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
"民族主义"问题是个跨学科的话题,也是中国近代史上一个重要而有待深入研究的课题。关于这一问题的研究,历史较长、争议颇多,无论是概念或内容,是历史演变或表现形式,或是理论与实践意义,都备受学界关注。本刊借中国社科院近代思想研究中心召开"中国近代史上的民族主义"会议之机,约请几位专家学者,就这一课题谈些个人认识。各位专家从不同视角切入,触及到了与中国近代民族主义相关的很多层面,他们的论点可能各不相同,也许会有思想交锋,但无疑为我们的研究提供了新思想。我们期待大家的研究及思想火花能够进一步推动"中国近代史上的民族主义"这一课题的深入研究。  相似文献   

6.
中国近代民族主义与民族精神的觉醒   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
"民族主义"问题是个跨学科的话题,也是中国近代史上一个重要而有待深入研究的课题。关于这一问题的研究,历史较长、争议颇多,无论是概念或内容,是历史演变或表现形式,或是理论与实践意义,都备受学界关注。本刊借中国社科院近代思想研究中心召开"中国近代史上的民族主义"会议之机,约请几位专家学者,就这一课题谈些个人认识。各位专家从不同视角切入,触及到了与中国近代民族主义相关的很多层面,他们的论点可能各不相同,也许会有思想交锋,但无疑为我们的研究提供了新思想。我们期待大家的研究及思想火花能够进一步推动"中国近代史上的民族主义"这一课题的深入研究。  相似文献   

7.
中国近代思想家对民族国家理论的认识   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
中国近代史上存在一个民族国家问题,中国近代的思想家们对民族国家理论也曾有过自己的认识与探讨。在世界范围的民族主义思潮日益高涨的今天,对这一认识作出归纳与索解不仅对繁荣近代思想文化史研究是必要的,对推进政治学领域的民族主义与民族国家理论研究也应有着重要...  相似文献   

8.
在2006年初的“中国近代史上的民族主义”学术研讨会上,大家对“民族主义”的历史作用和当代命运,认识上并不一致,甚至存在着根本的对立.有的同志认为,中国近代史上的民族主义,对历史的发展起着重大的积极作用,不存在任何消极的影响,应该给予充分的完全的肯定.也有同志认为,近代中国的民族主义,主要作用是负面的,以一种狭隘的、闭塞的心态,阻碍甚至抗拒中国融入世界明的历史进程.对于学术讨论会来说,有不同意见的争论,是一件大好事,只要大家抱着心平气和、相互尊重、共同探求真理的态度,就可以不断深化对问题的认识,大大提高会议的质量,这样的会开起来才有味道.[编按]  相似文献   

9.
正如人们已经注意到的,“民族”的概念迄今为止在国内外学界一直是一个颇富争议的问题。与此相关联,“民族主义”也同样是一个复杂而难以界定的概念。由于民族主义在中国近代史上生存与发展之历史条件的特殊性,中国近代史上的民族主义更是有着自身不尽同于西方近代民族主义的复  相似文献   

10.
民族主义问题备受学界关注。20世纪上半叶的中国民族主义演绎曾被概括为"步步高涨的50年"。以欧美学者为主,他们不仅致力于民族主义理论的基础研究,以解释、辨析、厘定相关概念,从政治学、社会学、人类学、文化学、经济学等角度考察民族主义的发生发展,而且关注具体语境下民族主义作为一种意识形态的政治性运作、社会思潮和社会政治运动,既从西方历史背景论述有关结论,又对中国等发展中国家的民族主义进行论析。既有研究虽对民族共同体的建构、民族意识的觉醒和民族观念的确立、民族主义思想的形成有详细论述,但从思想史上关照民族主义,真正在民族主义发生、发展和演进的语境中解读近代中国民族主义与政治、经济、文化和社会的内在关联,尚有很大研究空间。  相似文献   

11.
This paper elaborates upon a cultural logic of overseas Chinese nationalism. Around the early twentieth century, some bourgeois members of overseas Chinese in Hong Kong, Taiwan, and South Seas mobilised Confucianism as an ethno‐symbol. The latter helped the overseas Chinese bourgeoisie to counter the quest for greater secularisation and to confront the surge of anti‐imperialist movements. The implications of this research include to recentre the role of overseas Chinese in China's modern transformation; to decentre the May Fourth agendas in the understanding of overseas Chinese nationalism; and to situate overseas Chinese nationalism in an extraterritorial space, which includes the Confucian zone created in the dialogical connections between Confucian intellectual elites (such as Zheng Xiaoxu and Chen Huanzhang) and overseas Chinese bourgeois networks that converged in Hong Kong and spread transnationally.  相似文献   

12.
This article conducts a comparative biographical analysis to explain why the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) revolutionaries used non‐nationalist Marxism to boost a nationalist movement. It argues that these people, based on their own observations of the precommunist Chinese nationalism, thought that China lacked structural conditions for making a solid nationalist movement such as cultural homogeneity, mass literacy, and a shared pride in modern history. They thus turned to seek a non‐national ideology that could still fulfil the functions of integrating leading elites, mobilizing the masses, and motivating the patriots themselves. Then, to explain why the CCP leaders particularly adopted Marxism, this article draws comparison with the Kuomintang (non‐communist nationalists) elites who advocated for more patience and insistence to develop regular nationalism. The comparison shows that the CCP's impatient jump stemmed from their disadvantaged backgrounds that had limited their ideological horizon: lower‐class origins, narrow overseas experiences, poor education, and weak attachment to traditional culture. To pre‐existing literature, this article makes three contributions: (1) provides a more detailed interpretation of the CCP's diagnosis of Chinese nationalism; (2) explains why the same structural dilemmas produced nationalist and non‐nationalist responses alike; and (3) draws a biographical database of the CCP and the Kuomintang.  相似文献   

13.
ABSTRACT. This paper tries to make the case for a model of political identity based on an optical metaphor, which is especially applicable to nations. Human vision can be separated into sentient object, lenses and inbuilt mental ideas. This corresponds well to identity processes in which ‘light’ from a bounded territorial referent is refracted through various lenses (ideological, material, psychological) to focus in certain ways on particular symbolic resources like genealogy, history, culture or political institutions. Distinguishing between referent, lenses and resources helps us more precisely situate many hitherto disparate problems of national identity. These include the ‘ethnic‐civic’ dilemma, the mystery of national identity before nationalism, and the relationship between local and national, and individual and collective, identities. The model also clarifies the place of universalist ideology, which currently fits poorly within the leading culturalist and materialist theories of nationalism.  相似文献   

14.
Academic research on contemporary Dutch nationalism has mainly focused on its overt, xenophobic and chauvinist manifestations, which have become normalised since the early 2000s. As a result, less radical, more nuanced versions of Dutch nationalism have been overlooked. This article attempts to fill this gap by drawing attention to a peculiar self‐image among Dutch progressive intellectuals we call anti‐nationalist nationalism. Whereas this self‐image has had a long history as banal nationalism, it has come to be employed more explicitly for political positioning in an intensified nationalist climate. By dissecting it into its three constitutive dimensions – constructivism, lightness and essentialism – we show how this image of Dutchness is evoked precisely through the simultaneous rejection of ‘bad’ and enactment of ‘good’ nationalism. More generally, this article provides a nuanced understanding of contemporary Dutch nationalism. It also challenges prevalent assumptions in nationalism studies by showing that post‐modern anti‐nationalism does not exclude but rather constitutes essentialist nationalism.  相似文献   

15.
何卓恩 《安徽史学》2007,(3):108-115
在近代中国思想史上,陈独秀堪称思想历程最为曲折的人物之一.早年他服膺民族主义,后来转奉自由主义(民主主义),又转而信仰社会主义(共产主义),晚年他的思想走向社会主义、自由主义和民族主义的大综合.本文所考察的,是陈独秀从民族主义到自由主义的转变,以及这次转变所呈现的民族主义的内在困境.  相似文献   

16.
ABSTRACT. Is homogenising nationalism a consequence of industrialisation? This view has been most forcefully and systematically advanced by Ernest Gellner. The article contests this approach by focusing instead on militarism and militarisation. It therefore identifies the key role of the mass army as presaging the era of mass nationalism and cultural homogenisation. Drawing on a range of authors from history, sociology and political science, the relationship is found to be reciprocal and symbiotic. A preliminary exploration on the possibility of early modern (or pre‐modern) forms of cultural homogenisation is preceded by a critical assessment of Gellner's interchangeable use of the terms culture, language and ethnicity.  相似文献   

17.
This article introduces our themed section on The Left(s) and Nationalism(s), which provides a comparative analysis of the relationship between nationalism and different left-wing parties in Western Europe. It highlights the innovative comparative perspectives offered by this themed section, which not only concerns a series of different geographical cases studies but also involves the ideological plurality of the Left. The larger research question that our contributors address is how different left-wing parties have dealt with the inherent ideological tension between the universality claimed by the Left and the particularism inherent in nationalism, as a doctrine and a principle of political legitimacy. The article stresses three main contributions of our themed section: (1) Western European left-wing parties do engage with the themes of nationalism and nationhood, but they often rely on convenient silence to solve some of the contradictions with their progressive ideology. (2) None of these parties have formulated thick versions of the respective national identities. (3) State-wide left-wing parties have used instrumental conceptions of nationhood to address the challenge of separatist parties, but only with mixed results.  相似文献   

18.
ABSTRACT. Peace negotiations between the Indonesian government and the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) have resulted in the signing of the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) ultimately ending a three‐decade‐long struggle for independence. Through a historical comparative analysis, this article explores the changing nature of Acehnese nationalism. It explores how Acehnese ethnicity and nationalism are constructed and how they have transformed over the decades in conflict with the Indonesian government. Acehnese ethnicity and nationalism, which are political in nature and ethnic in character, have ideologically shifted throughout time. Historical junctures and myths were utilised to legitimise these changing ideological goals. Despite the transformation of Acehnese nationalism and consequent changes in its ideological basis, a strong Acehnese identity still remains a constant.  相似文献   

19.
My article replies to Allen Carlson's critique of the existing literature on Chinese nationalism (Carlson's article was published in Volume 15, issue 1 of Nations and Nationalism, 2009). I address Carlson's criticisms and proceed to evaluate his proposal to move away from an allegedly unhelpful focus on nationalism towards the allegedly more illuminating framework of national identity construction. My approach to the existing literature on Chinese nationalism acknowledges efforts made within it at grappling with issues of theory and definition and builds on this acknowledgement to operate a selective appraisal of its strengths and weaknesses. I argue that while some of the problems identified by Carlson do indeed plague the literature, his advocacy of abandoning nationalism as a focus of research is unwarranted. There is continuing validity in using nationalism as a lens for understanding how China sees its place in the world.  相似文献   

20.
20世纪初年,民族主义成为中国最主要的社会思潮,与此同时,中国史学的话语权也发生了变动,以"史界革命"相号召的"新史学"渐成主流。具有近现代意义的西藏历史研究也于此时启动,体现了现实救亡图存的政治诉求,在历史思想方面实践传统的藩属话语体系向近现代民族国家话语转变,在西藏历史研究文本中近现代民族国家观念得以初步确立。  相似文献   

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