共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
1.
Nissim Leon 《Journal of Israeli History》2013,32(1):61-78
This article argues that the emergence of a new religious-Zionist middle class in Israel may be a factor in restraining the radical potential of the political tendencies that research on religious Zionism has been pointing to for years. It examines, as test cases, the restrained protest against the Israeli disengagement from Gaza in 2005 and the most recent attempt to change the political leadership of the religious-Zionist parties prior to the 2009 elections. It concludes by connecting the processes described here with a discussion of the possible role of the Israeli middle class in mitigating the rifts within Israeli society. 相似文献
2.
党的十七大报告明确指出:要全面贯彻党的宗教工作基本方针,发挥宗教界人士和信教群众在促进经济社会发展中的积极作用。这是积极引导宗教与社会主义社会相适应的新体现,不仅表明了党的宗教政策的连续性、稳定性,还赋予了宗教工作新的内涵,为我们全面客观地认识宗教、准确而科学地判定我国宗教发展的历史方位开辟了新的视域,其深刻的现实意义和深远的历史意义将会在实践中不断得以显现。 相似文献
3.
James Farney 《The American review of Canadian studies》2017,47(1):74-88
Canada’s religious landscape has changed a great deal over the last forty years and, in most provinces, educational institutions have changed to accommodate this social shift. The articles reviews the divergent ways in which educational regimes have responded to this change and then turns to an examination of the one province in which little has changed regarding religious schools, Ontario. Ontario’s educational structure, which has continued to publicly support only a secular and Roman Catholic separate school systems in one of the most religiously diverse jurisdictions on the planet, is a surprising example of institutional rigidity in the face of societal change. This article highlights the peculiarity of this outcome, attempts to explain this surprising example of institutional continuity, and considers its implications for Canadian secularism more broadly. 相似文献
4.
Johannes Becke 《Journal of Israeli History》2014,33(1):1-23
First fleshed out in German romanticism, Occidentalist discourse expresses a regressive, conspiratorial, and anti-cosmopolitan critique of “Western” modernity. In a process mirroring the Orientalization of the Jews in Europe, the Jewish State in the Middle East underwent a process of Occidentalization – a phenomenon most apparent in depictions of Jewish diaspora nationalism as a form of European settler-colonialism. In order to illustrate the research agenda of de-Occidentalizing Israel, two approaches are applied to the example of Israel's occupation: An analysis of preexisting theorizations of Israel's territorial expansion after 1967 points to Occidentalist motifs like the systematic dislocation of Israel from its particular era and region, the neglect of Palestinian resistance, and the failure to develop a regionally comparative perspective. In contrast, a de-Occidentalist recontextualization of Israel as a postcolonial state in the Middle East points to intriguing parallels with other cases of postcolonial state expansion like Syria's protectorate over Lebanon and Morocco's partial annexation of Western Sahara. 相似文献
5.
Margaret Mih TILLMAN 《Journal of Modern Chinese History》2019,13(2):249-273
ABSTRACTIn 1931, liberal and conservative Christians debated the possibility of replacing Bible Study with a comparative religions course for elementary-school students, in order to comply with regulations of the Republic of China. Made possible by the ecumenical and indigenization movements within Christianity, this debate intersected with multiple issues: Western accommodation to the rise of Chinese nationalism; Christian resistance to growing secularization in the West, including elements of the social gospel; and clerical responses to child-centered pedagogies. Furthermore, liberals also promoted religious studies as a method for increasing cross-cultural understanding and world peace after World War II. While previous scholars have situated government registration of parochial schools within the rise of Chinese nationalism, this article asserts that missionaries in the 1930s viewed children’s religious education within the framework of both Chinese indigenization and global secularization. 相似文献
6.
7.
《Political Theology》2013,14(2):271-273
AbstractThis research article analyzes the aspirations and likely outcomes of the Christian right in terms of educational policy in America. The main source of data for this analysis draws from 13 source-protected interviews with directors of state-level Christian right organizations. A semi-structured, elite interviewing approach was utilized. The qualitative data demonstrates that the American Christian right is divided, organizationally, between those who identify with Republican party politics versus those who approach the political process more independently. The author shows that for the Christian right, education is a peripheral issue rather than a central one. Consequently, the Christian right will likely be unable to turn its political objectives into actual policy gains in terms of public education. 相似文献
8.
This paper contextualises a political alliance between Ukrainian and Jewish national activists in Austrian Galicia during the 1907 parliamentary elections, Austria's first elections with universal manhood suffrage. This alliance represented a milestone in the making of a new paradigm of Ukrainian–Jewish relations. Ironically, the Ukrainian and Jewish nationalists, portrayed elsewhere as staunch enemies, were uniquely able to overcome the profound social, religious, political, and cultural barriers separating the two communities. Ukrainian nationalists recognised the potential of a nationalised Jewish community to undermine Polish hegemony in Galicia, while some Zionists saw the potential to elect Jewish parliamentary representatives in rural Ukrainian districts where Poles and Jews competed for the districts' second mandate. The alliance mobilised the Ukrainian and Jewish electorate around shared slogans and goals. It was a qualified success, leading to a more powerful national Ukrainian faction as well as the first Zionist faction in any European parliament. Although the two sides failed to repeat the alliance in the subsequent elections in 1911, the coalition sparked a new sense of history for both communities. It created a pro‐Ukrainian discourse in Jewish politics, and a pro‐Zionist one in Ukrainian politics. The alliance also exposes Zionism as a response to the European‐wide nationalist revivalism rather than a reaction to rampant turn‐of‐the‐century racial anti‐Semitism. 相似文献
9.
10.
Joshua B. Stein 《Journal of Israeli History》2013,32(2):141-155
The founder of Revisionist Zionism, Ze'ev (Vladimir) Jabotinsky, believed that Zionism would create a new type of Jew. The youth organization that he headed, Betar Youth, used a variety of means to train its members to realize the vision of the “new Jew,” from physical and paramilitary exercises to learning and using the Hebrew language, from a certain code of behavior to making every effort to immigrate to Eretz Yisrael. Jabotinsky presented three figures as models of the new Jewish character: Herzl, who had brought the nation back into history; Trumpeldor, who personified the pure idea of pioneering and serving the nation; and Shlomo Ben Yosef, who, when sentenced to death by the British Mandate authorities, demonstrated strength and honor while in prison and went to the gallows with the Betar Song on his lips. These three men symbolized in their lives the idea of the “new Jew” – the antithesis to the figure of the ghetto Jew. 相似文献
11.
Yuval Ben-Bassat 《Journal of Israeli History》2014,33(1):25-39
Through the correspondence of Aharon Eisenberg (1863–1931), this article examines the reactions of Zionist activists in Ottoman Palestine to the Young Turk Revolution of 1908. It challenges the presumed dichotomies between supporters and opponents of the Yishuv's integration in the Ottoman framework in the aftermath of the revolution and between Ashkenazim and Sephardim, and argues instead that there was wide-ranging support for Ottomanization in the national circles in the Yishuv, mainly due to realpolitik considerations. This support was made possible by the fluidity of the term “Ottomanism,” which allowed a broad spectrum of groups to interpret it as best suited to their interests. 相似文献
12.
郭子林 《世界古典文明史杂志》2008,(4)
托勒密王朝是古代埃及史上一个重要历史时期。法老埃及的王权与神权之间从来就不是和谐统一的,始终存在矛盾和斗争。但是,在托勒密王朝,二者的关系发生了重大变化,王权有效地控制了神权。这主要是因为托勒密王朝的国王借鉴了法老埃及的经验,采取了有利于王权的政治、经济政策,等级和阶级关系决定了宗教祭司集团不可能干涉世俗政权,文化背景也使托勒密国王从意识深处拒绝给予宗教和祭司各种权力。托勒密王朝王权与神权之间是赤裸裸的利用与被利用的关系,这也正是托勒密王朝逐渐失去本土埃及人支持的重要原因之一。 相似文献
13.
《Mediterranean Historical Review》2012,27(1):1-15
The recent publication of Raymond P. Scheindlin's The Song of the Distant Dove (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008) offers an opportunity to chart the course of scholarship on Judah Halevi's famous voyage to Palestine. For a century and a half students of history, literature and philosophy have subjected Halevi's odyssey to microscopic scrutiny, and the present study sorts the literature into two opposing camps, which can be crudely termed Zionist and Diasporist, based on their understanding of Halevi's purpose: one group views the journey as a clarion call to Spanish Jewry to abandon the option of life in the Diaspora, and likewise to forsake the Iberian synthesis of Graeco-Arabic and Jewish culture, while the other group portrays the voyage as a personal-religious quest, akin to the pilgrimages made by devout Muslims in advanced age. A very small group maintains that Halevi may have held both intentions. The historiographical survey concludes by noting that a contemporary tendency can be attributed to the proponents of both the Zionist and Diasporist interpretations. 相似文献
14.
Thinkers with Jewish backgrounds contributed powerfully to our understanding of nationalism. We examine the different Jewish conditions in East Central Europe and Russia at the end of the nineteenth and at the start of the twentieth century so as to map the theories of nationalism that resulted. Four such theories are identified, each illustrated with reference to particular thinkers. 相似文献
15.
Zohar Maor 《Nations & Nationalism》2017,23(4):665-685
More than seventy years after its publication, Hans Kohn's 1944 The Idea of Nationalism is still regarded as a ground‐breaking contribution to the study of nationalism. This essay is aimed to highlight a significant theme in this work which has largely gone unnoticed, namely, the pivotal role of religion and secularism in Kohn's account of nationalism, and especially, in his persistent struggle for a ‘perfect’ nationalism. Kohn's conception – and personal experience – of the relationship of nationalism and religion will be examined through several stages of his turbulent life. First, as a young Zionist in Prague, when he parlayed Martin Buber's Zionist creed into an ethnic concept of nationalism. Then, in Kohn's journalistic writing in the 1920s and in his first theoretical works on nationalism in the years 1929–1942. Finally, Kohn's more mature and crystallized account of nationalism in his 1944 book will be revisited from the perspective of the nationalism–religion relationship. 相似文献
16.
Richard Schlatter 《History of European Ideas》2013,39(3):394-395
From the seventeenth century onwards, English Reformed ministers engaged in lively correspondence and publishing exchanges with men from different countries and Protestant traditions. In the eighteenth century, appreciation of their shared intellectual and cultural heritage and a desire to sustain the patterns for religious living it encouraged inflected the content and style of textual interactions among Halle Pietists, English dissenters and New England Congregationalists. Interest in the present state of religious life was also important, and therefore news about awakenings and materials for pastoral care circulated around Europe and North America through existing channels and by new means. Their encounters and the texts that they produced were mutually generative, and the language and manner of the participants' personal interactions were important features of published works. These personal associations, publishing activities and discursive styles can be understood as aspects of the literary sociology of a religious culture that valued intellectual and emotional engagements and sought to inculcate religion through education and friendship. 相似文献
17.
Gabriele Rigano 《Journal of Modern Italian Studies》2013,18(5):573-602
ABSTRACTThe article intends to emphasize the political redefinition of Italian Jews in reaction to the fascist aggression and its different answers ‘organized’. Since 1934 there arose strong divisions within Italian Judaism: the real issue of contention, however, did not reside in the attitude towards fascism, but in the judgement on Zionism and postponed a long-standing dynamics. A group of Jews, called ‘bandieristi’ from a magazine called La Nostra Bandiera, on the basis of a ‘fascist’ programme and anti-Zionism, tried to replace the official establishment of the Jewish representatives, the Union Community of Italian Jewish, as a reference to the fascist authorities. The Union was accused by the ‘bandieristi’ of being complicit with international Jewry and Zionism. The confrontation with fascism exasperated the Italian Judaism internal contradictions, putting in long-term dynamic light that preceded fascism and survived the early post-war years. 相似文献
18.
Shmuel Lederman 《European Legacy》2016,21(4):393-407
This article discusses an aspect of Hannah Arendt’s treatment of the conflict between the Zionists and the Palestinians that has thus far been overlooked in scholarship: her justification of Zionism through the achievements of the Jewish pioneers in cultivating the land, in contrast to the Palestinians’ failure to do so. The inability of natives to cultivate their land was a familiar argument in the history of colonialism, used to legitimize the colonialists’ right to settle a land and often to displace the natives. How should we understand Arendt’s use of this argument? I show that Arendt’s argument should be understood in the context of, first, the recurrence of this argument in Western political thought and practices. Second, the Zionists’—Arendt included—need of legitimizing Jewish settlements in Palestine. And third, the influence of Arendt’s own political philosophy on her understanding of culture in general, and Palestinian culture in particular. 相似文献
19.
The option of aliyah (Jewish immigration to Israel) poses a continuous challenge to any attempt to forge a diasporic version of Zionist ideology. This challenge grew twofold during the years immediately preceding and following the founding of the State of Israel. The article examines this challenge through the lens of Abba Hillel Silver, the leader of American Jewry during the period in question. While the Israeli leadership saw aliyah as a litmus test, indicating the degree to which Zionist leaders abroad were committed to the cause, for Silver the question was not one of dual loyalties between competing American and Israeli citizenships but a dilemma of inner American-Jewish identity. It is through this American-Jewish perspective that Silver's grappling with both the option of his own aliyah, and the importance of aliyah per se in American Zionism should be seen. An analysis of his views on the matter may illumine the evolving relations between diasporic transnationalism and homeland nationalism during the critical years when the homeland gains independence and sovereignty. 相似文献
20.
E.H. Wainwright 《African Historical Review》2013,45(2):25-33
ABSTRACTThis article argues that Zionist Christianity emerged in South Africa out of the peasant revolt that occurred in the Boer Republics during and after the South African War. Using the experiences of early Zionist leaders Daniel Nkonyane and Engenas Lekganyane, the article demonstrates the continuity of their theology with the ideology of the ‘Rebellion From Below’ first described by Jeremy Krikler. The early Zionists, like their predecessors, were primarily interested in recreating a world based on communal politics and land ownership – a world without rents, landlords, or white supervision. 相似文献