LE RÔLE ĎUN FLEUVE-FRONTIÈRE: LE CAS DES DEUX RIVES DU SAINT-LAURENT SUPÉRIEUR

Cette étude n'est qu'un élément des recherches que nous menons en vue ?un doctorat ?Etat en Sorbonne sur ←?Homme et le Saint-Laurent →. Par deux bourses de doctorat partielles, le Conseil des Arts du Canada nous a aidéà mener ces travaux vers leur bonne fin, et nous ?en remercions très sincèrement. Par ailleurs, le comité de lecture du Géographe canadien a suggéré?ajouter quelques précisions fort utiles au manuscrit, et nous lui en sommes très reconnaissant.     

The ‘woman‐in‐conflict’ at the UN Security Council: a subject of practice

Since the adoption of UN Security Council Resolution 1325, the woman‐in‐conflict has emerged as a central figure in the discourse of the UNSC Women, Peace and Security policy community. She is an ever‐present referent in discussions, the person in whose name critique is launched or action demanded. This figure is a representation of the needs and interests of the uncountable, faceless and nameless women affected by and living through war; a representation that takes place through imbuing her with particular meaning or characteristics. These meanings shape how the figure is understood in Women, Peace and Security discourse, which, in turn, constructs the horizons of possibility for both current and future policy and its implementation. This article explores how this figure is produced as a subject through layers of representation and is deeply embedded in the practices and relationships of power in the policy community. It suggests that accounting for these will offer an opportunity for feminist advocates to engage in this institutional space in more considered and effective ways.     

The effectiveness of UN and EU sanctions: lessons for the twenty‐first century

A fractious UN Security Council has contributed to the decline in effectiveness of a number of UN sanctions adopted in recent years. Yet they remain a tool of the Council, for example with regard to Libya in 2011. The challenge is to understand how UN, country (US) and regional sanctions (EU, AU, Arab League) can be meaningful in such a climate. The four books reviewed make various suggestions, from clarity of mandate to better evaluating impact. Mikael Eriksson's Targeting peace seeks to evaluate the complexity of the sanctions policy process. He argues that effectiveness comes partly from understanding politics (episodes of sanctions), but also from institutional reform—‘black box’ processes, as he calls them. Sanctions are more successful as part of a wider package. Clara Portela in European Union sanctions and foreign policy examines the use of sanctions as a political tool, including the suspension of development aid and the withdrawal of trade privileges. She shows how the EU plays an important role in signalling and constraining when UN sanctions are weak. For example, informal measures like the 2003 EU decision to invite only dissidents to national day receptions in Havanna resulted in the release of detainees that it had aimed for. The high rate of success of development aid cut‐off stands in sharp contrast with EU Common Foreign and Security Policy sanctions. The unintended consequence of good intentions is also highlighted by both Portela and Eriksson—Zimbabwe in particular but also Côte d'Ivoire and Iran pose similar challenges. The imposition of EU or UN sanctions is easier than reaching consensus to lift them, although events in Burma (Myanmar) in 2012 have resulted in smooth suspensions of most US and EU sanctions. All four books show that targeted sanctions cannot be seen as stand‐alone measures, nor assessed in isolation. Sanctions are multi‐faceted and require detailed assessment of political context, episode and institutional process.     

UN transformation in an era of soft balancing

Between 2003 and 2006 UN Secretary General Kofi Annan pursued the most ambitious overhaul of the United Nations since its inception. This transformation effort aimed to make the UN more effective in addressing non‐traditional threats and to persuade the United States to re‐engage with the world body. Launched during a time that was unpropitious for achieving far‐reaching change, the effort nonetheless produced some surprising agreements. Several factors prevented greater achievement: the episodic attention of the Bush administration and the personal agenda of John Bolton, the US permanent representative to the UN; the failure of the UN Secretariat to pursue a capital based strategy that engaged heads of state and foreign ministers; and the decision by many member states that they would rather have an ineffective United Nations than an effective one that furthered the interests of the Bush administration. Whether future efforts to transform collective security will fall victim to the same fate depends in part on the actions and words of a new American president in 2009.     

AMBIOSTASIE, AMBIOCONTRÔLE, AMBIOSYSTÈME: UN MODÈLE POUR ĽANALYSE DE LA RELATION SANTÉ-ENVIRONNEMENT - APPLICATION AU QUÉBEC

Des données de ľenquête Santé Québec de 7 987 sont utilisées dans cet article, ainsi qu'un nouveau modèle, intégrant les concepts ďambiosystème, ambiostasie et ambiocontrôle, dans ie but de mettre en lumière et ďexpliquer les disparités socio-spatiales de santé qui existent au Québec. Les résultats montrent qu'un faible niveau de contrôle environnemental (ambiocontrôle), conjugaison ďun environnement complexe et ďun faible statut socio-économique, caractérisent les milieux les plus pathogènes et semblent être un déterminant capital de problèmes de santé mentale et physique.
Data from the Santé Québec survey of 1987 are used in this article, together with a new model based upon the ambiosystem, ambiostasis, and ambiocontrol concepts; the objective is to uncover and explain the socio-spatial health disparities existing in Québec. Results show that a low level of environmental control (ambiocontrol), corresponding to the combination of a complex environment and a low socio-economic status, characterizes the most pathogenic milieu and seems to be a prime determinant of mental and physical health problems.     

UN NOUVEAU CADRE MÉTHO-DOLOGIQUE POUR L'ÉTUDE DE LA SÉGRÉGATION RÉSIDENT1ELLE APPLIQUÉÀ MONTRÉAL (1931-71)

Les études sur la ségrégation résidentielle, basée sur l' ethnie, utilisent généralement un cadre méthodologique comprenant des indices de ségrégation dont l' insensibilityéà certaines transformations importantes de l' espace ethnique peut être démontrée. De plus, la forte redondance de ces indices vient encore réduire la portée de leur utilisation. De nouveaux indices sont donc proposés lesquels, étant donné leur aspect complémentaire et non redondant, seront susceptibles de produire une analyse plus complète du phénomène de ségrégation résidentielle. En guise ď illustration, les indices proposés ont été utilisés dans une analyse de l' évolution de la ségrégation résidentielle ayant affecté certains groupes ethniques, à Montréal, durant la période 1931–1971.
The methodological approach in residential segregation studies is based essentially on the use of indexes such as D (dissimilarity index) and G (Gin; index). However, these are redundant indexes that measure only one aspect of segregation, its intensity. This paper proposes a new set of non-redundant indexes that give better results as shown by their use in analysing the ethnic space of Montreal between 1931 and 1971     

Gender as national interest at the UN Security Council

The United Nations Security Council has often been identified as a key actor responsible for the uneven trajectory of the international Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda. It is, however, the Council members—who also seek to advance their national interest at this intergovernmental forum—that are pivotal in the Council's deliberations and shape its policies. Yet, little attention has been paid to this aspect of deliberative politics at the Council in feminist scholarship on WPS. This article seeks to address this gap in the literature. It notes that gender has increasingly become part of foreign policy interests of UN member states, as evidenced by practices such as invocation of ‘women's rights’ and ‘gender equality’ in broader international security policy discourse. The article demonstrates that this national interest in gender has featured in WPS‐related developments at the Security Council. Using specific illustrations, it examines three sets of member states: the permanent and non‐permanent members as well as non‐members invited to take part in Council meetings. The main argument of this article relates to highlighting member states’ interests underpinning their diplomatic activities around WPS issues in the Security Council, with the aim to present a fuller understanding of political engagements with UNSCR 1325, the first WPS resolution, in its institutional home.     

中国对联合国维持和平行动的认知和参与

中国参与联合国维和行动经过了一个复杂的历史演进过程,大致可分为新中国成立后至改革开放前的原则否定、概不参与,改革开放后至冷战结束前的区另I对待、有限参与,冷战结束至今的积极支持、扩大参与三个阶段。中国对联合国维和行动政策的调整与国际环境和中国国内政治的变化是相对应的,它从一个方面反映了中国国际地位的提高、中国世界观念的变革和中国外交行为方式的转型。中国参与联合国维和行动的历史演进过程表明,中国维护世界和平的大国责任意识日益彰显。     

Economic and Social Thinking at the UN in Historical Perspective

This article begins to examine the history of economic and social ideas launched or nurtured by the United Nations (UN). In 1999, the United Nations Intellectual History Project was initiated, to analyse the UN as an intellectual actor, and to shed light on the role of the UN system in creating knowledge and in influencing international policy‐making: this article is based on the first five books and the oral histories from that Project. The starting point is that ideas may be the most important legacy of the UN for human rights, economic and social development, as well as for peace and security. For the authors, this ‘intellectual history’ provides a way to explore the origins of particular ideas; trace their course within institutions, scholarship, and discourse; and in some cases evaluate the impact of ideas on policy and action.     

小泉政府力促联合国改革的玄机

2005年是联合国改革年,小泉政府籍此推进其联合国改革外交,把删除敌国条款和加入常任理事国作为其主要目标。从国家利益出发,日本提出自己的联合国改革方案:恢复联大生机与活力、改革安理会、改革秘书处、修改敌国条款、重新考虑联合国会费分摊及增加联合国日本工作人员数量等。但由于联合国改革本身的复杂性和小泉政府的强硬外交路线,其联合国改革方案能否实现及落实程度仍未可知。     

MAKING CHAINS THAT (UN)MAKE THINGS: WASTE–VALUE RELATIONS AND THE BANGLADESHI RUBBISH ELECTRONICS INDUSTRY

There is growing empirical and theoretical interest in post‐consumption activity that results in the capture and creation of value from waste in the global economy. This article engages with two dominant approaches to tracing the capture and creation of value, global value chains (GVCs) and global production networks (GPNs), and their shared call to examine waste disposal and recycling. Using non‐participant observation, semi‐structured interviews, and a survey we examine what happens to the products of one of GVCs ‘and GPNs’ paradigmatic industries, electronics, when they are labelled e‐waste and are imported into Dhaka, Bangladesh, as rubbish electronics. Rather than wasting and final disposal predominating, our research documents a substantial rubbish recovery economy that captures and creates value anew. Consequently, we argue that both GVC and GPN approaches must rethink how they theorize the capture and creation of value.