淞沪会战初期英美对中日冲突的介入

卢沟桥事变后,上海局势日益紧张,8月9日"虹桥事件"的发生更使得形势急转直下。英美两国为阻止上海爆发战争,积极展开外交活动,强调中日均对上海和平负有责任并敦促双方撤军,但未能成功。上海战事于13日爆发后,英美对中国空军轰炸租界提出抗议,但中国方面强调其为抵御外侮,有权进入包括租界在内的全部中国领土作战。面对中国方面捍卫主权的决心,英国意识到日本对上海战事负有主要责任,开始将交涉的重心转向日本方面,并提出了由在沪外国军队保护日本侨民的方案,以换取日本同意从上海撤军。但日本已决心借上海战事扩大对华战争,对此反应冷淡,国内孤立主义情绪强烈的美国亦始终未改变中立态度,并未与英国合作,这一方案最终胎死腹中,上海战事也发展为大规模战争。     

清初清廷对西双版纳的经营及烟瘴影响

疟疾是历史时期西南边疆危害最严重的传染病,古人称之为烟瘴、瘴疠、瘴气等。清康熙三年,清朝就在西双版纳的普洱驻军设治,雍正年间又在澜沧江东部的西双版纳地区实施大规模改土归流,设普洱府,建普洱镇。但受烟瘴影响,驻军、设治和改土归流经过了多次反复,清廷仍没有彻底完成对西双版纳的改土归流。本文以驻军、烟瘴为切入点,探讨了清初清军在普洱、思茅沿边地区驻军与撤军、改土归流与撤流复土的反复过程,认为烟瘴影响了清廷对西双版纳的经营,不利的自然环境是历史时期西南边疆经营的巨大障碍。     

战后苏联从中国东北延期撤军的美国因素

1945年《雅尔塔秘密协定》规定苏军须在战后三个月内撤出中国东北,但因美国插手中国事务加上美苏冷战已露端倪,为阻止美国进入东北和避免美蒋合作造成不利影响,苏联曾数次延缓撤军,美军在中国华北的长期驻军更使苏联撤军问题复杂化。本文拟从影响苏联延缓撤军的美国因素作一简要分析。     

中国人民志愿军撤军回国的若干史实考辨

<正>1953年朝鲜停战后,中国人民志愿军即分批从朝鲜撤离,但至1957年年底,尚有数十万中国军队驻扎朝鲜。1958年,这些部队分三批全部撤回国内。学术界目前对这次撤军行动的一些关键史实,如金日成提出的两套撤军方案、撤军回国后的部队去向、撤军人数等问题或存争议,或语焉不详。经考证,关于金日成所提的两个撤军方案:一是由朝鲜主动提出外国军队撤军的要求,然后中国政府响应;二是由中国政府发表声明,     

日本人的“钓鱼密码”害惨大清帝国

1894年,朝鲜爆发东学党农民起义。清政府派兵赴朝协助镇压,日本内阁也打着平乱的幌子趁机派兵入朝。内乱平息后,日本失去了出兵朝鲜的借口,却拒绝撤军。1894年6月22日,为了从朝鲜共同撤军,中日双方已经来回交涉了近20天。但日本政     

辛亥革命后京津地区列强撤兵问题考察

辛亥革命爆发,西方列强为保护租界、铁路等,纷纷向京津地区增兵。革命后的1913和1914年,西方列强渐次撤退辛亥年所增派的军队。京津地区俄国首先提议撤兵,其他列强先是反对,后来在一战影响、各国的不断较量下,列强逐渐同意撤退驻华军队。中国局势渐趋稳定和中华民国外交部的交涉是各国撤兵的推动力,但在撤与不撤之间,西方各国自身的利益才是起决定性作用的因素。     

从《申报》看德国强占胶州湾事件始末

19世纪下半叶,英法等帝国主义列强相继凭借坚船利炮打开中国大门。德国作为帝国主义世界的后起之秀,早就觊觎在东方市场广袤的中国。1897年,德国以巨野教案为借口强占胶州湾。本文通过《申报》中关于胶州湾事件的相关报道,进一步了解中国民众视野下胶州湾事件的始末。     

国际机遇的利用与美国向太平洋的领土扩张——“路易斯安那购买”和“阿拉斯加购买”新探

18、19世纪之交英法争夺欧洲霸权和世界殖民霸权的斗争使拿破仑决定将法国的北美殖民地路易斯安那卖给美国,19世纪中期俄国在克里米亚战争中败于英法之手的窘境迫使亚历山大二世向美国兜售俄国的殖民地阿拉斯加。美国在上述英法争霸、克里米亚战争和波兰起义等时期,通过推行对欧洲列强的中立政策和实施灵活的外交策略,抓紧国际机遇,坐收渔翁之利,先后将这两块殖民地收入囊中,实现了将领土扩张到太平洋之滨的愿望。"路易斯安那购买"和"阿拉斯加购买"都是欧洲列强纷争和美国充分利用国际机遇的结果。推行适合本国国情和世界形势的中立的外交政策和充分利用国际机遇的策略,是美国崛起的一个重要原因。     

七七事变前日本“华北驻屯军”的扩张与列强应对初探

日本“华北驻屯军”组建于1901年，是《辛丑条约》的产物。1911年，日本试图趁中国辛亥革命内乱之机，向华北增兵，扩充驻屯军实力，但遭到了列强的反对。1927年中国国民革命期间，日本利用与列强共同防卫华北的机会，在英美等国的支持下，增加了驻屯军的兵力。1935年，日本制造“华北事变”，阴谋分离华北，随即在列强的默许下，...     

日本幕末横滨开港与锁港之争

1859年7月,日本近代最早的“开港场”之一——横滨正式开港。然而,日本国内政局因开港而动荡不安,幕府对外政策则处于开国抑或攘夷的摇摆中,乃至试图关闭横滨港以求维持统治。本文拟对幕府末期围绕横滨开港与锁港问题展开的内政和外交活动进行具体考察,探析近代日本一波三折的开港历程。     

太平天国运动后江南驻防的恢复与重建

太平天国战争结束后,清廷和江宁将军都急欲恢复江南驻防旧制。但在筹建旗营兵房和筹补旗兵缺额时,地方督抚常以资金匮乏为由拖延执行清廷的谕令,敷衍江宁将军的重建要求,直到光绪二十四年八旗兵制改革,江宁驻防旧制也未能完全恢复。究其原因,既因为太平天国运动使得晚清的财政制度发生了巨大变革,以督抚为代表的地方政府有了很大的财政自主权,不愿意以地方所筹之饷长期供养驻防八旗,也因为驻防八旗所要恢复的以骑射为主的旧制与两江总督希望建立的以新式枪炮为主的军队新制相比落后时代太远。研究江南驻防的恢复与重建,有利于加深对晚清中央与地方、满与汉关系的理解。     

16-18世纪英国宪制和宪制思想演进

英国16-18世纪宪制的演变比较曲折。内战前混合宪制已形成多年,其相应思想长期流行并影响后世。17世纪中期共和国的兴衰和分权制有名无实,给后人留下经验和教训。贵族寡头权力垄断和内阁制的形成发展,增强了18世纪英国混合制的特色。     

东北解放战争研究中的三个重要问题

抗战胜利后,东北逐渐成为全国乃至世界注目的焦点。中共中央及毛泽东为实现独占东北采取了一系列重大措施,然而国民党军队顺利占领锦州及苏军态度的转变,决定了中共独占整个东北已绝无可能。和平民主新阶段的思想对建立巩固的东北根据地产生了一定的消极影响。四平保卫战期间,东北民主联军大量地歼灭国民党军队有生力量,有力配合了东北停战谈判,迫使国民政府承认中共及其军队在东北的一定地位。四平保卫战使中共对于和与战问题有了清醒认识,从而为重建巩固的东北根据地的战略方针奠定了重要的思想基础,同时锻炼了东北民主联军,取得阵地防御战的宝贵经验。     

The role of morbidity in the mortality decline of the nineteenth century: evidence from the military population at Gibraltar 1818-1899

The causes of the nineteenth-century decline of mortality, characterized by lower mortality rates and increased longevity, have been the subject of debate among researchers for the past half-century. Because of a paucity of reliable data, little is understood about the role of morbidity, or illness episodes, in the mortality decline. This article introduces the results of a study that looks at the relationship of morbidity in the mortality decline during this portion of the epidemiological transition. The data are comprised of hospital admissions and deaths collected by the British army on the soldiers of the Gibraltar garrison from 1819 to 1899. Morbidity dropped during this period, but at a slower rate than mortality, and all categories of disease did not fall in concert; in some categories, morbidity rose as mortality dropped. Statistical modeling is used to analyze the categories of diseases that were most influential in the decline of mortality in this group. This research shows that there are discernible relationships between morbidity and mortality and that the two parameters are responding to different driving forces. Because changes within the military medical system may have had an effect on the relationship of the morbidity and mortality rates of the soldiers, surviving medical reports are used to reconstruct the medical care of the troops during the study period.     

Interpreting the Syria vote: parliament and British foreign policy

This article presents three distinct interpretations of how parliamentary war powers affect British foreign policy more generally, based on a detailed analysis of the debate preceding the vote in parliament in August 2013 on whether Britain should intervene in the Syrian civil war. The first interpretation treats parliament as a site for domestic role contestation. From this perspective, parliamentary war powers matter because they raise the significance of MPs' doubts about Britain's proper global ‘role’. The second interpretation treats parliament as a forum for policy debate. There is nothing new about MPs discussing international initiatives. But now they do more than debate, they decide, at least where military action is involved. From this perspective, parliamentary war powers matter because they make British foreign policy more cautious and less consistent, even if they also make it more transparent and (potentially) more democratic in turn. The final interpretation treats parliament as an arena for political competition. From this perspective, parliamentary involvement exposes major foreign policy decisions to the vagaries of partisan politicking, a potent development in an era of weak or coalition governments, and a recipe for unpredictability. Together these developments made parliament's war powers highly significant, not just where military action is concerned, but for British foreign policy overall.     

Lost at Sea: Finnish government,shipping companies and the United Nations embargo against China during the 1950s

Finnish Cold War foreign policy was based on the desire to stay out of all international disputes. Yet, during the 1950s, two Finnish tankers, Wiima and Aruba, received an enormous amount of foreign attention when they tried to sail to Communist China. The United Nations had urged all countries, including non-members such as Finland, to stop selling strategic goods to China, which had intervened in the Korean War. The embargo created a highly profitable opening in the shipping market for anyone willing to transport such goods, and Finnish companies tried to fill it. This article suggests that they were in fact undermining the embargo more extensively than has been generally known. When the Finns were criticized for their actions, they interpreted this as a sign of the ruthlessness of great powers. At first, the Finnish government failed to recognize that these companies drove the country into the middle of international conflict and then took little decisive action to steer the country out of it. The allegedly pragmatic Finnish foreign policy was in this case actually based on unreliable information and incorrect assumptions.     

论20世纪20年代的日本裁军运动

近代日本政府一直奉行"富国强兵"政策,把扩军备战置于优先考虑的地位,使日本军事实力在20世纪初达到西方强国的水平,并能直接挑战西方国家的霸权.但日本的军备扩充受国内外因素的制约,并不是简单地沿着直线上升.20世纪20年代日本出现了颇具规模的裁军运动,这是第一次世界大战以后日本国内和平反战力量的兴起、日本经济对美国的高度依赖和美、英等国在远东寻求新的力量均衡等多种因素促成的.     

上海金融业与太平洋战争爆发前上海的外汇市场

抗战爆发后．国民政府调整中的外汇政策和措施仍得以在上海执行。政府银行运用自有外汇、英美政府资金和相关银行先后介入．维持上海汇市。大部分外商银行是官方牌价外汇的争购者和暗市的主角,其市场行为在中美英政府联手推行外汇管理后有所约束。普通华商行庄未能在维持外汇市场方面发挥主动性作用,但以银钱业同业公会为代表的L海金融业仍奉西迂内地的国民政府为惟一合法的中央政府,国民政府的有关监管政策和措施大体上仍能令行禁止,这成为太平洋战争爆发前外汇市场得以维持的重要因素。日伪金融势力则始终是维持上海外汇市场的破坏力量。     

A review of China's foreign policy decision‐making during the Cold War

In the past 10 years or so, gradual declassifications of official foreign policy documents in the Soviet Union, in China and in the United States have provided opportunities for research in the various fields concerned. More importantly, in the realm of China's international relations theory this has been a period for “letting a hundred flowers bloom” through translation, study, argument, and reflection. Particularly worth noting is that in recent years, research in China's decision‐making in foreign policy, which had hitherto been off‐limits, has been gradually opening up, resulting in many publications. An example is China's Foreign Policy Decision‐Making during the Cold War written by Professor Niu Jun of The School of International Studies of Peking University, and published by Japan's Chikura Publishing Company in September 2007.