Women,Peace and Security as an ASEAN priority

The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Secretariat and its member states have repeatedly professed their commitment to the protection and advancement of women's economic and human rights. Such commitments have included the Declaration of the Advancement of Women in the ASEAN Region in 1988, the Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women in the ASEAN Region in 2004, and the ASEAN Human Rights Declaration in 2012, as well as the establishment of the ASEAN Committee on Women in 2002 and the ASEAN Commission on the Promotion and Protection of Women and Children in 2009. However, none of these regional commitments or institutions expressly take up the core concern of the Women, Peace and Security agenda set out in United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 in 2000. ASEAN has no 1325 regional action plan and, amongst the ASEAN membership, the Philippines is the only state that has adopted a 1325 National Action Plan. The authors explore the possible reasons for the lack of ASEAN institutional engagement with 1325, outline the case for regional engagement, and suggest specific roles for the ASEAN Secretariat, donor governments and individual member states to commit to United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 as a regional priority.     

A mbassador of Israel: Peace for Peace

[Israeli Ambassador to the United States Zalman Shoval spoke in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, on May 20, 1992. The ambassador's presentation was a session in the Wisconsin International Trade Conference at the Pfister Hotel.]     

The futures past of the Women,Peace and Security agenda

The Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda has developed at the United Nations over the course of the past 15 years, and there have been critical engagements with it for nearly as long. In this article, we first take stock of the operationalization of the WPS agenda, reviewing its implementation across a number of sectors. In the second section, we expose the tensions that have marked the WPS agenda from the start. With others, we argue that there has been a narrowing of the agenda's original scope, reducing it to the traditional politics of security rather than reimagining what security means. We highlight this reduction primarily through an analysis of the tension between the ‘participation’ and ‘protection’ pillars of the agenda. Further, we argue that the WPS agenda faces a current challenge in terms of the actors entrusted with it. Although in some ways involving civil society, the consolidations and implementation of WPS principles at the national and international levels have become increasingly state‐centric. Third, we imagine some possible futures of the agenda, from a trajectory characterized by increasing marginalization or even irrelevance, to new avenues like the emergent, albeit tentative, ‘Men, Peace and Security’ agenda. We close with an argument for a revival of the WPS agenda beyond a fixation on states, beyond a narrow heteronormative or essentialist focus on the ‘Women’ of the WPS resolutions, and moving towards the radical reimagining of security as peace that inspired the original architects of these important resolutions.     

智慧博物馆信息系统安全防范体系分析

智慧博物馆的建设在促进博物馆信息化的同时也给博物馆信息系统安全带来挑战.博物馆信息系统安全包括网络安全和信息安全.网络安全需在系统应用层、传输层、互联网层、网络接口层各环节设置,信息安全需从身份鉴别、访问控制、密码保护、安全审计、操作系统安全、数据库安全、边界安全、应用系统安全几个方面加以强化.博物馆信息系统建设和安全体系建设应同步规划、同步建设、同步发展;同时应完善管理制度,只有"技管并重"才能真正保障信息系统安全.     

Gendering normative power Europe: lessons of the Women,Peace and Security agenda

The European Union is seen to operate at the international level by promoting ideas and values, rather than by exerting military or economic power. As a gender actor, the EU has played a key role in the development of formal equality, which is presented as a foundational principle of European integration. It therefore follows that normative power Europe should seek to promote these values in external affairs. This article interrogates the role of the EU as a normative gender actor in relation to its implementation of the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda, set out in UN Security Council Resolution 1325 and related resolutions. Documentary analysis will be supplemented by a detailed assessment of speeches and public statements about the role of the EU as a gender actor in external affairs. This data will be used to assess whether there is a disjuncture between the dominant narrative about gender equality as a fundamental value of the EU and the actions of the organization. It will also allow us to assess whether gender mainstreaming is a tool for public diplomacy or has made a significant change to the way the external relations agenda is formulated and implemented. Additionally, the article will draw attention to the institutional obstacles to the EU performing a role as a gender actor in external affairs. It identifies a critical tension between framing the WPS resolutions as an extension of the EU's equality on the one hand, and understanding that gender mainstreaming is a mere policy tool in international affairs. In doing so, it highlights how competing institutional demands can ultimately undermine core values (e.g. equality) when they are used instrumentally.     

对“罗斯福—韦尔斯和平计划＂的历史考察

1937年底到 1 938年初 ,美国总统富兰克林·Ｄ .罗斯福及副国务卿塞姆纳·韦尔斯曾共同设计过一个缓和国际紧张局势 ,和平解决国际争端以维持世界和平的方案 ,史称“韦尔斯计划”或“罗斯福—韦尔斯和平计划”。但是这一计划从未获得过实施 ,甚至除了当时的美英两国最高决策层之外 ,外界完全不了解这个计划。尽管如此 ,该计划作为第二次世界大战爆发前美英关系的一个典型事例 ,仍然引起了政治家和历史学家的重视。很多历史学家也从不同的角度探讨了这一课题 ①。但这些成果仍然或多或少存在某些语焉不详之处 ,某些结论也值得进一步商讨。本…     

The Peace Movement: A Necessary Corrective

Book reviewed in this article:
Cecilia Lynch, Beyond Appeasement: Interpreting Interwar Peace Movements in World Politics     

Decolonizing branded peacebuilding: abjected women talk back to the Finnish Women,Peace and Security agenda

This article interrogates the sexual ideology of Finnish peacebuilding, the country's foreign policy brand and the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda by examining the experiences of women ‘written out of history’. Using the method of ‘writing back’ I juxtapose the construction of a gender‐friendly global peacebuilder identity with experiences in Finland after the Lapland War (1944–45) and in post‐conflict Aceh, Indonesia (1976–2005). Although being divided temporarily and geographically, these two contexts form an intimate part of the abjected and invisible part of the Finnish WPS agenda, revealing a number of colonial and violent overtones of postwar reconstruction: economic and political postwar dystopia of Skolt Sámi and neglect of Acehnese women's experiences in branding the peace settlement and its implementation as a success. Jointly they critique and challenge both the gender/women‐friendly peacebuilder identity construction of Finland and locate the sexual ideology of WPS to that of political economy and post‐conflict political, legal and economic reforms. The article illustrates how the Finnish foreign policy brand has constructed the country as a global problem‐solver and peacemaker, drawing on the heteronormative myth of already achieved gender equality on the one hand and, on the other, tamed asexual female subjectivity: the ‘good woman’ as peacebuilder or victim of violence. By drawing attention to violent effects of the global WPS agenda demanding decolonialization, I suggest that the real success of the WPS agenda should be evaluated by those who have been ‘written out’.     

Peace Protest and Policy

The tremendous fluctuations in public mobilization against United States nuclear weapons policy, a relatively stable policy over four decades, present a difficult riddle to social scientists. Since the dawn of the nuclear age small groups of activists have consistently protested both the content of United States national security policy and the process by which it is made. Only occasionally, however, has this protest spread beyond a handful of relatively marginal groups, generated substantial public support, and reached mainstream political institutions. This article examines the political cycles of peace movement engagement and quiescence, and their relation to external political context, particularly public policy. I begin with a brief review of the relevant literature on the origins of the movements, noting parallels in the study of interest groups. Building on recent literature on political opportunity structure. I suggest a theoretical framework which emphasizes the interaction between activists choices and political context. I then describe the cycles of peace movement activism and quiescence on nuclear weapons issues in the United States using mass media sources to delineate periods of mobilization. I outline a number of policy variables which may help explain protest mobilization. My conclusions address the importance of policy and political context in explaining movement cycles and the potential influence of protest movements on policy.     

Agbonkhianmeghe E. Orobator,SJ, ed., Reconciliation,Justice, and Peace: The Second African Synod

Abstract

The World Social Forum (WSF) emerged in Brazil from a network of grassroots anti-globalization activists and campaigners as an alternative to the World Economic Forum. The WSF focuses on human development in the holistic sense of "social capital" and provides a forum for Southern perspectives to be heard. From its birth, faith-based organizations have been prominent in the WSF. The seventh World Social Forum (WSF) took place in Africa in January 2007. Just before that event, theologians attending the WSF held a pre-meeting of the World Forum of Theology and Liberation (WFTL). This paper offers a brief outline of the World Forum of Theology and Liberation: the event, the programme, an assessment, recommendations for future Forums and transcending moments of the event. In so doing it attempts to express the suffocated cry of an Africa, in large measure, ignored and forgotten.     

台海两岸在军事安全领域谋求和平的历史启示

新中国成立至今,台海两岸虽然没有统一,但在军事安全领域存在着一些相互知会、心照不宣的默契,各自形成了一些自我约束的习惯做法,这也是台海两岸在绝大部分时间里没有发生战争的重要原因。坚持一个中国原则,善于搁置争议、尽最大努力争取和平,严格限定军事行动目标,加强对军事要素的有效控制,以及保持沟通联系、避免相互隔绝是这些默契形成的基础,也是当前推进建立台海两岸军事安全互信机制必须汲取的历史经验。     

Policekeeping is the Key: Rebuilding the Internal Security Architecture of Postwar Iraq

The main problem following a US-led international intervention in Iraq will be re-establishing widespread and sustainable governance. It is probable that with the removal of repressive political authority, state control will falter and crime rates boom. This can be countered through an international civil administration with law and order as a guiding mandating principle. Order could be ensured by 'policekeeping', via a large 'blue force' of primarily Muslim gendarmerie from surrounding nations. Reliance on military peacekeeping is precarious because of the political sensitivities in the case of Iraq. The blue force would form the foundation of the new internal security architecture in Iraq, and would act to prevent fragmentation and civil war. The role of policekeeping is to preempt and combat ethnic, religious, and political violence, economic crime and the establishment of shadow networks, as well as policing regular crime including those of property and public order. A further vital task would be the development of domestic judicial and policing capacity, which provide an exit strategy for the international mission and the beginnings of a representative and regionally devolved governance structure. These tasks could be financed through a modification of the current oil for food programme, finally transferring this wealth back into Iraqi society. The goal would be to construct a self-sustaining democratic and economically functional state governed by the rule of law, one that can serve as a political beacon for the region.     

以遗产保护推动和平与发展 解读第39届世界遗产委员会大会热点议题

<正>2015年6月28日至7月8日在德国波恩召开的第39届世界遗产委员会大会,通过对世界遗产的保护、申报和管理展示了各缔约国对文化间对话、和平和可持续发展的理解和追求,同时也是对联合国教科文组织发展目标和实践途径的一次展示。人们对世界遗产价值的理解在《世界遗产公约》通过后的43年历史中在不断变化,世界遗产的保护同样呈现出多样性的发展,这种发展与联