Yarlung Culture Featuring National Unity

Ｙａｒｌｕｎｇ　Ｃｕｌｔｕｒｅ　Ｆｅａｔｕｒｉｎｇ　Ｎａｔｉｏｎａｌ　ＵｎｉｔｙＹａｒｌｕｎｇＣｕｌｔｕｒｅＦｅａｔｕｒｉｎｇＮａｔｉｏｎａｌＵｎｉｔｙ￥ＤＵＡＮＲＡＯＬＩＮＮｏｐｌａｃｅｏｎｅａｒｔｈｅｘｉｓｔｅｄｂｅｆｏｒｅＹａｒｌｕｎｇ．Ｎｏｆ...     

National Support for Tibet──The Third National Conference on Tibet Held in Beijing

ＮａｔｉｏｎａｌＳｕｐｐｏｒｔｆｏｒＴｉｂｅｔ──ＴｈｅＴｈｉｒｄＮａｔｉｏｎａｌＣｏｎｆｅｒｅｎｃｅｏｎＴｉｂｅｔＨｅｌｄｉｎＢｅｉｊｉｎｇ￥／／ＪｉａｎｇＺｅｍｉｎ：Ｔｈｅｐｅｒｉｏｄｆｒｏｍｎｏｗｔｏｔｈｅｅｎｄｏｆｔｈｉｓｃｅｎｔｕｒｙｉｓｃ...     

The National Relics Institute of China

TheNationalRelicsInstituteisafirst-gradenationalresearchunitwhichisdirectedbytheNationalRelicsBureau.Itwasfoundedin1990bycolnbinationoftheoriginalRelicsConservationInstituteandtheAncientDocumentResearchDepartment.Theresearchscopeandmaintasksoftheinstitute…     

Latvia’s Vanished National Heroes

The nineteenth century saw the invention of the national hero. His main function was to serve as an ideal for the nation. Latvia, however, is an exception to this general rule: after it regained independence in 1990, the national hero simply disappeared and no heroic image emerged. On the contrary, it was now the victim that became the emblem of Latvia’s regained independence. The country, of course, did not lack “heroes,” for there were in fact many candidates for the creation of a national hero, yet the hero as such no longer seemed to fit the new state. While the path Latvia had chosen of rejecting or refusing national heroes had an impact on its integration into Europe, it also contributed to ongoing frictions among its own ethnic communities.     

SAGYA MONASTERY:Witness Of National Unification

HistoriansbelieveTibetbecameapartofChinainthemid-13thcenturyduringtheYuanDynasty(1271-1368).TheSagyaMonasteryprovidesiron-cladproofinthisregard.MovingwestwardfromXigazeonereachesSagyaCounty,tuckedawayinhighmoun-tains.Haditnotbeenforthemagnifi-centSagyaMon…     

The Society of Antiquaries of Scotland and their Museum: Scotland’s National Collection and a National Discourse

Founded in 1780, the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland began immediately to form a museum that has survived remarkably intact within the National Museums of Scotland. Their initiative marked a significant point in the evolution of material culture studies between the “cabinet of curiosities” of the Renaissance and the large public museums of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. An exploration of the Society’s work and ethos in its early years points to the emergence of a distinctive “Scottish History” of collections and a greater significance for the evidence of material culture than has been conventionally accorded it in conventional scholarly discourses.     

Policy for Gearing Up National Equality and Development

Ｐｏｌｉｃｙ　ｆｏｒ　Ｇｅａｒｉｎｇ　Ｕｐ　Ｎａｔｉｏｎａｌ　Ｅｑｕａｌｉｔｙ　ａｎｄ　ＤｅｖｅｌｏｐｍｅｎｔＰｏｌｉｃｙｆｏｒＧｅａｒｉｎｇＵｐＮａｔｉｏｎａｌＥｑｕａｌｉｔｙａｎｄＤｅｖｅｌｏｐｍｅｎｔ￥ｂｙＣｈｅｎｇＲａｎＴｈｅｒｅｉｓｎｏｅｔ...     

China＇s Unequal Treaties： Narrating National History

王栋（Dong Wang）女士的新书《中国的不平等条约——叙述民族历史》引用大量中西方第一手资料,分析了“不平等条约”这一词语的语言学发展和修辞用法,论证了中国各派政治力量对中外不平等条约历史的不断叙述,以及各种政治势力对“不平等条约”不断进行定义以求对风巩固统一、对外谋求独立自主及确立自身合法性和权威性的历史。作者的研究还表明,中国有关不平等条约的经历决定了20世纪中国运用国际法的方式。     

The Conservation Department of the National Museum of Chinese History

TheConservationDepartmentofNationalMuseumofChineseHistoryisanorganiza-tionspecializedontheresearchandpracticeofconservationscienceandtechnology.Itcom-prisesthreelaboratoriesofconservation,utensilrestorationandpaintingrestoration,with30scientistsandtechnicians.Thedepartmentwasestablishedin1952.Intheperiodofmorethan40years,thede-partmentcarriedontheworkofconservationscienceandtechnologyinall-roundway,withtheaimofpreservingtheculturalrelicsofhumanbeings,thedispositionoflayingequalstressonbothba…     

National identity in Northern Ireland: stability or change?

ABSTRACT. This article addresses a set of fundamental, long‐term factors associated with the Northern Ireland conflict: the pattern of underlying values and attitudes, especially those related to identity, that have helped to shape the nature of intercommunal competition. Using all generally available public opinion data, the article explores in particular the nature of national identity and of related forms of belonging for political behaviour. It notes the mutually reinforcing character of political loyalties within the Protestant community (where national identity, communal affiliation, constitutional preference and party support tend to coincide in a ‘Protestant‐unionist’ package) and the failure of this to be matched within the Catholic community (where the components of the ‘Catholic‐nationalist’ package are less closely interrelated). It concludes by speculating about the implications of these value configurations for political development, suggesting that they are unlikely to contribute to any fundamental political change in Northern Ireland in the short or medium term.     

National Geographic 125周年图片展——金秋十月造访南京

2013年是美国国家地理学会创立125周年。NG在全球掀起了一系列庆祝活动。继昆明站、上海站之后,NG的摄影浪潮在六朝古都南京震撼登陆。国庆节当天。National Geographic 125周年图片展南京站在中航樾府营销中心拉开帷幕,     

McGuggenisation? National identity and globalisation in the Basque country

This paper examines recent debates about the globalisation of cities and regions through a discussion of the recent opening of a Guggenheim Foundation art gallery in Bilbao. Through an analysis of the political context surrounding the project, I aim to explore the role of cities as crucibles for the negotiation of globalisation, and in particular how this relates to national identity.In the paper I set out several layered narratives which try to capture the significance of this event for Basque political identity. After discussing issues of globalisation, political strategy and European territorial restructuring, I explore the following: first, the process of ‘McGuggenisation’ and its consonance with ideas of global cultural imperialism; second, the ‘indigenisation’ of the Guggenheim by the Basque political elite, a strategic engagement with globalisation; third, the contestation of the museum by particularist radicalism.In summary, the Guggenheim event is seen as a collision between Basque extremism, modernising ‘bourgeois regionalism’, and the interests of a museum poised to become a global art corporation, providing a context for examining theories of globalisation in the European city.     

The Front National: From Systematic Opposition to Systemic Integration?

For most of its existence, the Front National (FN) fitted the classic definition of the anti-system party, opposing the founding values, institutions and elites of the Fifth Republic. Now, under Marine Le Pen's leadership, it has embarked on a strategy to integrate to the regime it once defied. Does this strategy of ‘normalisation’ bear scrutiny? Using a framework drawn from Giovanni Sartori and Robert Michels, this article asks whether the FN is a one-time anti-system party that is becoming mainstream, and also whether these simple oppositional categories are adequate for understanding ideological and policy evolution in the FN's case. Through an analysis of continuity and change in FN strategy and programmes, the article shows a party torn between anti-system differentiation and institutional adaptation. It may claim to have cast out its demons but has not undertaken the necessary moderation of its programme to substantiate that claim. The FN today is on no linear path of deradicalisation but exhibits a combination of consistent, diminished and increasing radicalism across different policy areas. Despite an upward dynamic and a hugely favourable context, it remains almost entirely excluded from power and far from the breakthrough required to become a party of government.

Pour la plus grande partie de son existence, le Front National (FN) était conforme à la définition classique du parti anti-système, s'opposant aux valeurs fondatrices, aux institutions et aux élites de la Ve République. Maintenant, sous la direction de Marine Le Pen, il s'est engagé dans une stratégie visant à intégrer le régime si longtemps défié. Cette stratégie de ‘normalisation’ résiste-t-elle à l'examen ? Se servant d'un cadre analytique emprunté à Giovanni Sartori et à Robert Michels, cet article pose la question de savoir si le FN est un ancien parti anti-système en train de devenir un parti républicain, et en plus si ces catégories d'opposition simples sont suffisantes pour comprendre l'évolution idéologique et politique dans le cas du FN. À travers une analyse de la continuité et du changement dans la stratégie et les programmes du FN, l'article présente un parti déchiré entre différenciation anti-système et adaptation institutionnelle. Il peut se prétendre ‘dédiabolisé’ mais n'a pas entrepris la modération nécessaire de son programme pour soutenir cette affirmation. Le FN d'aujourd'hui n'est pas en voie de dé-radicalisation mais fait preuve d'une combinaison de radicalisme stable, diminué et accru dans divers domaines de la politique. Malgré une dynamique ascendante et une conjoncture des plus favorables, il reste presque entièrement exclu du pouvoir et encore loin d'avoir réussi la percée qu'il lui faudrait pour devenir un parti de gouvernement.     

The National Gallery of Victoria’s Colony and Difficult History

A recent exhibition staged by the National Gallery of Victoria Australia can be regarded as an expression of the international difficult histories boom. In large part, its representation in Colony of Australia’s black history is in keeping with the Manichean accounts that have come to dominate in the realm of popular culture and is a function of its decision to represent the past in forms that are primarily memorial and performative rather than historical and pedagogical. I argue that any serious attempt to come to grips with this nation’s difficult Aboriginal history requires its settler peoples to rethink rather than merely reject previous settler accounts of the past, and I contend that this task demands the practice of both scholarly history and local Aboriginal community history, which provide more complex accounts of the past.     

The Changing Face of Heritage at Canada’s National Historic Sites

In order for all citizens to fully belong to a nation or a community, they must have membership in that society’s institutions, systems and social relations on both the formal and everyday levels. Heritage sites are public institutions of formal cultural presentation and informal social encounters where society demonstrates community membership. But in a country such as Canada where global economics and popular culture combine with an unprecedented influx of immigrants, how a community imagines itself and articulates its heritage is changing radically. Canada’s National Historic Sites (NHS) is among the important public institutions devoted to both the presentation of heritage and demonstration of citizen membership. This paper describes how this institution is adapting to changes in imaginings about citizenship, on both the formal and informal level. It looks at how NHS is expanding the involvement of all citizens in the why, what, how and to whom of heritage presentation, evolving its practices to include ethic minorities in its imaginings of Canadianness. Using as an example a new NHS exhibit and designations related to the Underground Railroad and African‐Canadians, the paper considers how historic sites, as formal instruments of the state, can be re‐tuned as informal sites of discourse and negotiation about identity, citizenship and belonging.