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Spiritual equality, responsibility, and accountability for both men and women are well‐developed themes in the Qur'an. Spiritual equality between men and women in the sight of God is not limited purely to religious issues, but is the basis for equality in all aspects of human endeavor. This article's main interest is in the woman's status, and her role within the Arab countries. Islam is the main religion—its principles, values, and practices are dominant in the region. Therefore, this article introduces and discusses the misinterpretation of women in Islam, with special consideration of Muslim women's rights and their roles within the Muslim society. This will help to enhance future discussions of social behavior, values, and attitudes toward women in Islam. In the last few decades there has been a great misunderstanding in many aspects of public consciousness about the role of women in Arabic society. There is a significant gap between the status of males and females. However, this gap is more evident in rural areas. The level of women's rights and roles in many Arabic countries prevents women from improving their economic growth and development. This gender gap is the result of social, religious, cultural, and gender inequality. More specifically, it results from structural constraints faced by women. Gender inequality is not a new issue, nor is it only Muslim women who are suffering from this inequality. There is gender discrimination almost everywhere. The Qur'an is the basis of Islam, and encompasses rules, legislation, examples, advice, history, and system of the universe. It draws a picture of the earth and describes the roles of human beings. The Qur'an is the answer to the spiritual and material needs of the Islamic society, and is an exposition and an explanation of all aspects of life.  相似文献   

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This article intends to give a comprehensive picture of women's participation in the scientific field in Iran in the last four decades, among students and members of academia. One major fact is that despite the legal and cultural impediments the proportion of young women in the universities has risen above 50 percent. Another is that this increase has occurred much more at the undergraduate level than at the graduate and post-graduate levels. In the academic world, women are still far outnumbered by men, particularly at the higher levels of the hierarchy. We intend to show how the discrepancies are structured between the undergraduate and the graduate levels on the one hand, and between the lower and higher levels of academic hierarchy on the other, and propose an interpretation of these two major tendencies.  相似文献   

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在诸史书目录志所著录的南朝共十部妇人集中,刘宋时殷淳撰《妇人集》与《妇人诗集》可以被认为是我国现存最早的女性作品总集,不仅开创了我国文学编纂史上撰辑女性总集的风气,并影响到从南朝梁至清代系列女性作品总集的编纂。《妇人集》的内容虽然只残存于《世说新语》、《太平御览》等书中,但已可见出撰者对待女性创作的肯定意识和前瞻心态,亦可见出汉魏六朝女性作者的文才文论与群体风貌。  相似文献   

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马伟业 《满族研究》2005,4(3):99-105
满族作家端木蕻良的小说具有强烈的浪漫主义色彩,艾青称其为“科尔沁草原的诗人”,巴人称其为“拜伦式的诗人”。他的小说具有强烈的主观性和自我表现的因素,把外在的写实与内在的抒情结合起来.常常是对情感的表达大于对时间的叙说。他的小说浪漫主义特征还表现在自我形象走进作品方面、刻画神秘气氛及传奇式浪漫英雄方面、对自然的超越现实的崇拜方面等等。他的小说在形式上追求独特性,其结构更为自由与大胆。小说语言也奔放而恣肆,这使得他的小说浪漫主义气息更加浓重。不过,端木蕻良小说的浪漫主义是以现实主义为底色的,这正是他的小说具有独特风格的根本原因。  相似文献   

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全面抗战时期,为维护女性权益,妇女指导委员会掀起了两次妇女宪政运动的浪潮,呼吁增加国民大会妇女代表的名额以及宪法上切实规定男女平等的条文,给予妇女各种保障与扶助,起到了全国妇女运动发动机的作用.妇女指导委员会是联合各党各派妇女杭日的统一战线组织,由于各方面对实施宪政的出发点和目的不同,宪政运动中难免存在分歧和矛盾.  相似文献   

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This article examines the homecoming of Western women from Japanese internment camps at the end of the Second World War. It focuses on British women returning to the United Kingdom, but makes reference to women from other Allied nations such as the United States, Australia and the Netherlands. The paper argues that interned women posed contradictions to gendered understandings of wartime experience and that homecoming further exacerbated this ambiguity. Return from imprisonment exposed the dual meaning of home as the natural realm for women and a national space. Women internees had been away from both and were subjected to control by non‐white men; responses to their liberation reflected these tensions. Homecoming prompted questions about released women's femininity and sexual integrity, but they faced even more difficulty having their war experiences recognised as part of a national story about war.  相似文献   

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One approach within the Islamic camp treats Islam, which emphasizes overarching notions such as the ‘Islamic brotherhood’ and ‘ummah’, as incompatible with ethno‐nationalist ideas and movements. It is, however, striking that in the last decades, several Islamic and conservative groups in Turkey have paid increasing attention to the Kurdish issue, supporting their ethnic demands and sentiments. Even more striking, the leftist, secular Kurdish ethno‐nationalists have adopted a more welcoming attitude toward Islam. How can we explain such intriguing developments and shifts? Using original data derived from several elite interviews and a public opinion survey, this study shows that the struggle for Kurdish popular support and legitimacy has encouraged political elites from both camps to enrich their ideological toolbox by borrowing ideas and discourses from each other. Further, Turkish and Kurdish nationalists alike utilize Islamic discourses and ideas to legitimize their competing nationalist claims. Exploring such issues, the study also provides theoretical and policy implications.  相似文献   

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