共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
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Three forms of the Situational Attitude Scale (SAS), measuring attitudes toward Aborigines, New Australians and a neutral form, were administered to 314 white Australian university and college students (New Australians are immigrants from non‐English speaking European countries). Data were analysed, using fixed effects analysis of variance at .05 and Scheffé post hoc tests at .10. Results showed that white Australian students have a positive bias in favour of both Aborigines and New Australians, although they were more negative toward New Australians. The results support the general hypothesis that the more culturally visible the minority group, the more likely the group is to be perceived unfavourably by the majority culture. Results are discussed in terms of similar findings in Denmark and Japan. 相似文献
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Maiju Wuokko 《Scandinavian journal of history》2013,38(5):612-635
This article examines the political activity of business in late Cold War Finland, the main focus being on the presidential election campaign of 1981–1982, which was a major watershed in Finnish politics. The purpose is to investigate the divisions cutting through business circles. Different layers of disunity can be found: a turf battle between business associations and their leaders, divergent attitudes towards the Social Democrats and disagreements concerning Finland’s foreign relations and trade, particularly with the Soviet Union. These divisions were long-lasting: they emerged by the mid-1970s and remained in effect until at least the late 1980s. 相似文献
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Meagan Todd 《Eurasian Geography and Economics》2017,58(6):642-669
AbstractThis paper addresses the spatial politics of Russia’s increased religiosity in Moscow. It analyzes the rights of minority Muslim communities within the context of increased political support for expressions of Russian Orthodoxy in Moscow’s public space. Moscow’s Russian Orthodox and Muslim religious leaders claim that their communities have a lack of religious infrastructure, with one church per 35,000 residents and one mosque per three million residents, respectively. The Russian Orthodox Church has been more successful than Muslim organizations at expanding their presence in Moscow’s neighborhoods. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork, religious spaces are examined as sites of dissent as well as participatory, active citizenship at three different sites in Moscow. Protests over Russian Orthodox Church construction in one neighborhood are contrasted with the protests over mosque construction in two neighborhoods. This paper provides insights into how civil society and religious groups have increased their public presence in Moscow and shows the unequal access that different groups have to public space in that city. 相似文献
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Valeria Galimi 《Journal of Modern Italian Studies》2019,24(1):115-128
ABSTRACTThe Eichmann trial held in Jerusalem in 1961 marked a turning point in the international public’s collective awareness of the extermination of Jews in Europe. In Italy, the trial contributed to the mainstream narrative of the events that concerned the deportations of the Jews. The Italian case was mentioned in the indictment of the attorney general, Hausner, and in the deposition of the only witness present at the trial, Hulda Campagnano. In this article, our analysis of the trial’s reception in Italian newspapers and media shows that the Jerusalem reports, especially through misrepresenting the words of Campagnano, created the image of Italians as ‘good people’, who would help Italian and foreign Jews, against the wishes of the Nazis. At the same time, the responsibility of Italian Fascism for the anti-Jewish laws in 1938 and the role of Italians in the arrests and deportations of Jews since 1943 have been neglected. 相似文献