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1.
R.J. OVERY. The Air War, 1939–1945. London, Europa Publications, 1980. Pp. xn, 263. £12.50; H. PENROSE. British Aviation; Widening Horizons, 1930–1934. London, Her Majesty's Stationery Office and the Royal Air Force Museum, 1979. Pp.viii, 340. £7.95; British Aviation; Ominous Skies, 1935–1939. London, Her Majesty's Stationery Office and the Royal Air Force Museum, 1980. Pp. vm, 318. £7.95.  相似文献   

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After the enforced break due to the riots of the Admira soccer match in Copenhagen in June 1941, the Danish and German authorities were so concerned about the events of the Admira game being repeated that around 50 security officers were brought in for a boxing tournament in Copenhagen on 8 October 1941. However, Danish–German sporting relations got underway again, even with national team matches going on in Germany and matches with other Axis-power countries. Most notable was an international soccer match in Dresden in November. Gradually, as Germany began running into military difficulties, there was less and less interest, in the words of propaganda minister Goebbels, of seeing Germans losing to weaker nations.  相似文献   

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On 15 February 2002 a new World War II interpretive centre was opened in Singapore. A colonial bungalow was redeveloped by the National Archives of Singapore to commemorate the Malay Regiment and particularly the officers and soldiers who made a heroic stand against Japanese forces in one of the last battles before the fall of Singapore. This centre, Reflections at Bukit Chandu, has significance in terms of local heritage development, public memory of war, national education initiatives, and also in relation to the changing role of archives in Singapore. This paper serves as an exploration of this heritage site and uses this as a starting point for considering public history in Singapore and importantly a new direction for the National Archives of Singapore, as it played the key role in developing this site.  相似文献   

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UTE DANIEL.The War from Within: German Working-Class Women in the First World War, trans. Margaret Ries. Oxford and New York: Berg, 1997. Pp. xii, 343. $18.50 (us), paper; DEBORAH THOM. Nice Girls and Rude Girls: Women Workers in World War I. London and New York: I. B. Tauris, 1998; dist. New York: St Martin's Press. Pp. xvi, 224. $59.50 (us); FRANCES H. EARLY. A World without War: How US Feminists and Pacifists Resisted World War I. Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1997. Pp. xxi, 265. $22.95 (us), paper, LUCY NOAKES. War and the British: Gender, Memory, and National Identity. London and New York: I. B. Tauris, 1998; dist. New York: St Martin's Press. Pp. vi, 218. $59.50 (us); JANE SLAUGHTER. Women and the Italian Resistance, 1943–1945. Denver: Arden Press, 1997. Pp. xx, 171. $22.50 (us), paper; DALIA OFER and LENORE J. WEITZMAN, eds., Women in the Holocaust. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1998. Pp. vii, 402. $30.00 (us).  相似文献   

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During the viceroyalty of Lord Curzon, 1899–1905, the Persian Gulf states came to be treated by Calcutta as closely analogous to Indian Princely states. This shift in policy was most clearly expressed in the state tour of the Gulf in 1903 by the Viceroy. During this tour a number of symbolic, informational, diplomatic, and military methods were employed by the British to expand the role of the Indian Empire in the Persian Gulf. Curzon paid particularly close attention to his government's relationship with Muscat (modern Oman) and Kuwait. The catalyst for this change in the way the Government of India treated the Gulf states was a fear that France, Russia, and Germany were attempting to gain a foothold in the region. Historians of British Indian expansion have tended to focus on the role of ambitious frontier agents; the result has been a distortion which underplays the central role of metropolitan Calcutta, and in this case Lord Curzon, the Viceroy himself.  相似文献   

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Abstract

This paper makes a contribution to the debate about the interplay between military action and humanitarian aid. It takes on the case study of post-World War Two Europe and in particular the activity carried out by the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA), which offers a useful key for highlighting the entanglements between relief and reconstruction projects. It is from this perspective that the interaction between humanitarianism and military undertakings also acquires a special meaning, which recalls both the development of the international aid regime and the post-war history of Western countries. The matter will be addressed from two points of view. First to be analysed is the set of agreements stipulated by UNRRA and military authorities, for the zones under Allied administration after the liberation, but also with respect to specific areas of intervention, like the Displaced Persons Operations. The terms of the official agreements allow the delineation of the tasks actually assigned to the agency by the United Nations and the role of control and protection reserved for military organizations. Based on the formal agreements, it is already possible to reconstruct a vision of relief understood as the result of the inextricably linked action of military and humanitarian actors. Next, the interplay between different interpretations of activities to help civilians affected by the war will be examined. This section will focus on the personnel deployed by UNRRA, on their origins, and on duties they are called on to fulfil. People with extensive experience in the welfare sector were a substantial part of the personnel, but a significant number of UNRRA employees came from military ranks. This essay, therefore, has a twofold objective. It analyses the normative and institutional frame that shaped relief work in Liberated Europe. At the same time, it aims to uncover competition and cooperation between military and humanitarian actors in the field. The aim is to highlight how the co-construction of the aid operations between military and civilian personnel that occurred during the second post-war period followed a series of complex, nonlinear paths that conditioned the development of the humanitarian regime from within.  相似文献   

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Direction des Archives de France, La Seconde Guerre Mondiale. Guide des sources conservées en France 1939–1945 (Archives nationales, 1994), 1217pp., 350F., ISBN 2 86000 235 9

Burrin, P., La France à l'heure allemande 1940–1944 (Seuil, 1995), 559pp., 160F., ISBN 2 02 018322 6  相似文献   

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In this paper we discuss the heritage of the WWII evacuation and the so-called ‘burning of Lapland’ within a Sámi reindeer herding community, and assess how these wartime experiences have moulded, and continue to mould, the ways people memorialise and engage with the WWII material remains. Our focus is on the village of Vuotso, which is home to the southernmost Sámi community in Finland. The Nazi German troops established a large military base there in 1941, and the Germans and the villagers lived as close neighbours for several years. In 1944 the villagers were evacuated before the outbreak of the Finno-German ‘Lapland War’ of 1944–1945, in which the German troops annihilated their military installations and the civilian infrastructure. Today the ruins of demolished German military installations persist around the village as vivid reminders, and act for the villagers as important active agents in memorising this vital phase in Lapland’s recent past. They also appear to facilitate nostalgia for the more independent days before traditional Sámi lifeways were ruptured by stronger Finnish State intervention in the post-war decades.  相似文献   

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《War & society》2013,32(3):183-210
Abstract

Inter-service rivalry and personality friction characterized various stages of the US war effort in the Paci?c against the Japanese. The ?ghting at Buna exempli?ed these problems, in which inter-service friction (among other reasons) deprived Allied troops of needed naval support during the Papuan campaign of 1942–43.  相似文献   

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Selena Daly 《Modern Italy》2013,18(4):323-338
Filippo Tommaso Marinetti's first experience of active combat was as a member of the Lombard Battalion of Volunteer Cyclists and Motorists in the autumn of 1915, when he fought in the mountains of Trentino at the border of Italy and Austria-Hungary. This article examines his experience of mountain combat and how he communicated aspects of it both to specialist, Futurist audiences and to the general public and soldiers, through newspaper articles, manifestos, ‘words-in-freedom’ drawings, speeches and essays written between 1915 and 1917. Marinetti's aim in all of these wartime writings was to gain maximum support for the Futurist movement. Thus, he adapted his views to suit his audience, at times highlighting the superiority of the Futurist volunteers over the Alpine soldiers and at others seeking to distance Futurism from middle-class intellectualism in order to appeal to the ordinary soldier. Marinetti interpreted the war's relationship with the natural environment through an exclusively Futurist lens. He sought to ‘futurise’ the Alpine landscape in an effort to reconcile the urban and technophilic philosophy of his movement with the realities of combat in the isolated, rural and primitive mountains of Trentino.  相似文献   

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After the massacres and genocide perpetrated by the Ottoman Empire, thousands of Armenian refugees arrived in Romania and reinvigorated the local minority group (native Armenians), which at that time was mostly assimilated. While native Armenians were citizens, the refugees were stateless people holding Nansen passports. From the 1930s on, and especially during the Antonescu regime (1940–44), the legal status of Armenians, especially of Nansen refugees, worsened due to the rise of ethno-nationalism, particularly in the economic area (a process called Romanianization). This article investigates the ‘Armenian Question’ in World War II Romania, including its connection with the ‘Jewish Question’. Believing that Nansen Armenians were disloyal to Romania—because some of them wanted to repatriate to Soviet Armenia and engaged in communist and fascist revolutionary organizations—and profited from the Romanian economy, and especially from Romanianization, the Antonescu regime treated this group as dangerous foreigners and subjected them to police surveillance and legal and economic persecution, resembling, to a certain extent, its antisemitic policy. However, Antonescu did not push the persecution of Nansen Armenians too far and, in general, they fared better than the Jews.  相似文献   

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