共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
1.
Jatinder Mann 《Nations & Nationalism》2012,18(3):483-503
This article compares the emergence of a policy of multiculturalism in Canada and Australia between the 1960s and 1970s. It charts the rise of the policy in the two countries through the adoption of a philosophy of multiculturalism as the basis of their national identities. There is a distinction between philosophy and policy: a multicultural policy emerged out of a philosophy of multiculturalism. Furthermore, a philosophy of multiculturalism replaced the ‘new nationalism’ as the foundation of the national identities of both English‐speaking Canada and Australia. The abandonment of the White Canada and White Australia policies and the adoption of non‐discriminatory immigration policies in both countries were also of importance in the emergence of a policy of multiculturalism. There are many similarities in the Canadian and Australian experiences. However, the major differences are explained by the presence of the French‐Canadians in Canada and the early non‐British migration that Canada received in the late‐nineteenth century compared with Australia. 相似文献
2.
Mahama Tawat 《International Journal of Cultural Policy》2013,19(2):202-220
In the late 1960s, as non-Nordic immigrants became an important component of their immigration flows, despite their similar policy backgrounds Sweden opted for multiculturalism, while Denmark did not. Their policies diverged even further from the so-called migration crisis of the 1990s. This article compares and analyses Sweden and Denmark’s respective policies between 1960 and 2006, arguing that their policies effectively diverged in the late 1960s; Danish assimilation is constituted of the toleration or acceptance, albeit disapproving, of immigrants’ cultures. Swedish multiculturalism, by way of contrast, celebrates difference, holding that immigrants’ cultures are necessary for their well-being and that ethnocultural diversity enriches the national culture. However, both policies deemed some aspects of immigrants’ cultures unacceptable, in that they were looked upon as illiberal or repugnant. This study also contends that, alongside citizenship and national identity studies, Ministries of Culture’s policies are a relevant field of enquiry into states’ policies on immigrants’ cultures. 相似文献
3.
Carly Elizabeth Schall 《Nations & Nationalism》2014,20(2):355-375
This paper examines the creation of ‘national day’ in Sweden in order to understand how such a holiday works to shape the Swedish nation's relationship with diversity. Analyzing parliamentary debates and press coverage, the author finds that official national day coverage tends to invest the nation with progressive and multicultural meanings, foregrounding immigrant voices. However, this multiculturalism is polysemic, vague and subject to contestation, both from far right ‘traditionalists’ seeking to ‘protect’ Swedishness from outside influences and cosmopolitans who see the nation as outdated and dangerous. The creation of a new national holiday can be seen as a ‘democratic iteration’ wherein democracy is restated and reinvested with meanings, and new lines of cleavage are drawn, and also as a ‘multicultural iteration’ where multiculturalism is invested with new meaning. Finally, the author argues that multiculturalism benefits from polysemy in that the concept can then adapt to changing circumstances, and, thus, survive. 相似文献
4.
Mahama Tawat 《International Journal of Cultural Policy》2019,25(4):471-485
The breadth of Sweden’s multicultural policy has left it as one of the few truly multiculturalist countries in the West. This exceptionalism is puzzling and has generated a lot of attention from scholars and the public alike. Using a policy process perspective, this article traces its process of adoption in the 1970s. It shows that the adoption of an official multicultural policy relied crucially on Olof Palme and his ideas in his role as an ‘activist gatekeeper.’ The article takes as illustration the country’s first State Cultural Policy passed in 1974. 相似文献
5.
JOHANNA L. WATERS 《Tijdschrift voor economische en sociale geografie = Journal of economic and social geography = Revue de géographie économique et humaine = Zeitschrift für ?konomische und soziale Geographie = Revista de geografía económica y social》2009,100(5):635-645
This paper examines the relationship between transnationalism and belonging, with particular reference to Ong's concept of ‘flexible citizenship’, ten years after it was first articulated. It asks ‘to what extent is Ong's work still relevant for the contemporary experiences of transnational migrants?’ With a focus on research in Canada, I argue that, contrary to their ‘flexible’ intentions, transnational immigrants often demonstrate a high level of local civic involvement and a localised sense of identity in the ‘new’ country, even when continuing to practice transnationalism on a daily basis. In addition, the paper contributes to debates around the relationship between transnationalism and integration over time. It draws upon an indepth qualitative study of immigrant women over eight years to examine the extent of their transnational activities and feelings of belonging. It concludes that while the notion of flexible citizenship would in many cases seem to describe accurately the objectives of Chinese immigrants to Canada, it is perhaps less salient in relation to some of their experiences. 相似文献
6.
《Asian Population Studies》2013,9(1):93-120
International migration has a long history in Asia but in recent years it has acquired an unprecedented scale and diversity and is a significant influence on the economic, social and demographic development of all Asian nations. International migration is now an established structural feature of the region although many nations still dismiss it as a temporary, passing phenomenon. Asian nations are developing international migration policies but much of this has not been informed by high quality research relating to the causes and effects of migration. The present paper examines each of the major types of international migration influencing contemporary Asia, reviews major developments within them and puts forward relevant policy and research challenges associated with each type of movement. Issues examined include south–north migration, migration and development, the role of diaspora, international labour migration, the feminization of migration, student migration and the increasing role of governments in influencing movement. 相似文献
7.
加拿大的多元文化主义政策日益引起国内外学者的广泛关注。通过对该政策的分析,笔者发现,在多元文化主义政策的出台过程中,20世纪60年代的双语和二元文化讨论占有非常重要的地位,是多元文化主义政策出台的前奏。对双语和二元文化讨论进行深入分析,可以揭示它与多元文化主义政策之间的关系。 相似文献
8.
丘立本 《华侨华人历史研究》2007,24(3):1-6
探讨了当前国际移民的新趋势和国际社会对移民问题态度的变化以及国际学术前沿值得注意的新动向。国际移民在总体规模、流向、流量和存量上都有新的重大变化。各国政府与国际组织对移民问题日益重视。研究的视角从移民输入国逐渐转向移民输出国;研究的内容从国际移民的消极面转向积极面。对国内的华侨华人研究提出两点建议:加强跨国主义移民理论的研究;重视翻译出版留学人员优秀著述的工作。 相似文献
9.
Weronika A. Kusek 《Journal of Cultural Geography》2015,32(1):102-114
It has been estimated that about 700,000 Poles moved to the UK after Poland joined the European Union in 2004, with London receiving a large portion of Polish immigrants. In agreement with the British perception of migrants from Eastern Europe, the majority of Polish immigrants can be generally classified as labor migrants with close cultural and national ties to Poland. However, Polish migration to the UK also includes a growing group of professionals and social and financial elites who are often overlooked by academic research. This paper analyzes the migrant experiences of Polish professionals and elites in London, and the relationships between their transnational identities and immigrant spaces such as ethnic enclaves, private and social spaces. Furthermore, this paper uses Polish elites in London as a foundation to explore concepts of cosmopolitanism and transnationalism, suggesting that global elites can maintain strong national affiliations, and their global ambitions can be fueled by local contexts and standards. 相似文献
10.
The employment of translocality as a research perspective is currently gaining momentum. A growing number of scholars from different research traditions concerned with the dynamics of mobility, migration and socio‐spatial interconnectedness have developed conceptual approaches to the term. They usually build on insights from transnationalism while attempting to overcome some of the limitations of this long‐established research perspective. As such, translocality is used to describe socio‐spatial dynamics and processes of simultaneity and identity formation that transcend boundaries—including, but also extending beyond, those of nation states. In this review, we trace the emergence of the idea of translocality and summarise the characteristics that different authors associate with the term. We elucidate the underlying notions of mobility and place and sketch out fields of research where the concept has been employed. On the basis of our findings, we conclude by proposing key areas where a translocal approach has the potential to generate fruitful insights. © 2012 The Author. Geography Compass © 2012 Blackwell Publishing Ltd 相似文献
11.
Lotta Frändberg 《Geografiska annaler. Series B, Human geography》2008,90(1):17-28
This article sets out to capture and describe individual transnational mobility from a long‐term, biographical perspective. The purpose is to discuss the use of a time‐geographical form of notation to represent people's transnational mobility as paths in time and space, and to demonstrate how such representations can contribute to explaining some of the dynamics of longdistance mobility. An advantage of using time‐space paths is that several aspects of an individual's travel biography can be represented in a single image: intensity and extensity are immediately evident, and the temporal and spatial relationships between the various mobility actions are made visible. Using data describing all transnational trips taken during childhood and adolescence by sixty‐two Swedish youth with different backgrounds, three aspects of how trajectories develop over time are discussed in more detail. The first concerns overall change in travel pattern with time. A dominant pattern of increase in travel with increasing age is observed, indicating the importance of further investigating how travel behaviour is related to experience and life‐course transitions. Second, sequential relationships between migration and temporary mobility are examined. In spite of the relatively small number of respondents, a wide range of such relationships are disclosed in the material. Third, regularity and repetition in long‐distance travel patterns is discussed as an increasingly important aspect of contemporary transnational mobility. Among these young people, highly regular travel is often motivated by enduring long‐distance social relationships, but is also generated by leisure or holiday travel alone. 相似文献
12.
Nafissa D. Thompson-Spires 《The American review of Canadian studies》2013,43(3):293-307
Canadian televisual exports make up at least 30 percent of the original content on US cable television. And from many angles, Canadian youth-television series look more diverse, more positive, and more attentive to interracial and interethnic issues than do similar US series. This article explores Canadian representations of interracial relationships and situates them within readings of Canada's official multicultural policy. It argues that much of this surface-level positivism about race reveals unconscious anxieties that ultimately manifest in drastic ways of treating “diversity” or “multicultural” subjects. 相似文献
13.
Timothy B. Gravelle 《Australian Journal of International Affairs》2018,72(5):473-490
Even as the world’s sole superpower, the United States requires the cooperation of other states to achieve many of its foreign policy objectives. The President of the United States thus often serves as ‘Diplomat in Chief’ in public diplomacy efforts to appeal directly to publics abroad. Given Donald Trump’s antagonistic approach to foreign relations and widespread lack of popularity, what are the implications for support for US policy among publics abroad – particularly among middle power states allied to the US? While previous research on public opinion relying on observational data has found that confidence in the US President is linked to support for American foreign policy goals, the mechanisms at work remain unclear. Using original data from survey-based experiments conducted in Canada and Australia, this article seeks to clarify the effect of ‘presidential framing’ (presenting a policy goal as endorsed or not endorsed by Trump) on attitudes toward key policy issues in the Canada–US and Australia–US relationships. Results point to a negative ‘Trump framing’ effect in Canadians’ and Australians’ trade policy attitudes, but such an effect is not observed in other policy domains (energy policy in Canada, and refugee policy in Australia). 相似文献
14.
Tanja Bastia 《Gender, place and culture : a journal of feminist geography》2013,20(2):160-177
Autonomy has often been seen as a precondition for achieving gender equality, yet feminist scholarship has been rather ambivalent towards it. In this article, I explore this ambivalence by drawing on the experiences of migrant women, particularly mothers, focusing on the ways in which they negotiated their mobility with their partners. By analysing women's experiences of migration within a context of multi-sited and longitudinal, itinerant ethnography, I historicise their life accounts and place them within a broader framework of social and economic structural changes. On this basis I explore the concept of autonomy, particularly in relation to the exercise of women's agency within a context of market-oriented neoliberal reforms. I also question the potential of women's autonomy for gender equality and argue that there are at least two reasons for feminist scholars to continue being ambivalent towards autonomy. 相似文献
15.
The articles in this special issue, entitled Reform and Revolution in Scandinavia, 1917–1919: Entangled Histories and Visions of the Future, deal with the political turmoil in Scandinavia in the late 1910s, accelerated by the First World War and the revolutions in Russia in February/March and October/November 1917 and eventually in Germany in the autumn of 1918. Their special focus is on the political debates about reform and revolution and the related visions of the future of political order and social structures in national contexts and across borders. The articles examine how actors with different agendas in different contexts exploited the opportunities opened up by a window of change. None of the Scandinavian countries were directly involved in the theatre of war, but the whole of Scandinavia was associated with the hostilities in many other ways. The revolutionary processes in Russia affected Finland directly but – reflecting the events spreading from Petrograd – the debates about the legitimacy of the established political order intensified in all Scandinavian countries. The articles demonstrate how the debates and political processes took diverse forms in varying national contexts but were often more dependent on international relations, transnationally interconnected and entangled, than has traditionally been recognized in nation-state-centred historiographies. 相似文献
16.
Integration and the negotiation of ‘here’ and ‘there’: the case of British Arab activists 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Immigrant-receiving societies are increasingly emphasizing the need for immigrants to integrate into mainstream life. In Britain, this trend has manifested itself in ‘social cohesion’ discourses and policies. Discussions about social cohesion have often focused on the residential patterns of immigrant and minority groups in British cities, with the assumption that residential patterns are an indication of social integration. Integration, however, is also a socio-political process by which dominant and subordinate groups negotiate the terms of social membership. We explore the ways in which British Arab activists conceptualize their membership in and responsibilities to their places of settlement; we also consider how they reconcile notions of integration with their connections to their places of origin. Our study participants speak of the need for immigrants to participate actively in their society of settlement, but they reject the idea that integration requires cultural conformity or exclusive loyalty to Britain. Their definition of integration as a dialogue between distinctive but equal groups sharing a given place provides a normative alternative to social cohesion discourses. 相似文献
17.
多元文化主义一直是欧美学界关注的重大议题.中国学者自20世纪80年代以来亦对多元文化主义的涵义、成因及影响进行了探析,他们在取得不俗成绩的同时也存在一些不足. 相似文献
18.
The aim of this article is to provide an appreciation and analysis of the expatriate connectivity of Italian and French citizens from their place of residence in Australia through their respective elections in their home countries. Specifically, the article examines the case of Italians in Australia voting in the 2013 Italian elections and equally that of French citizens in Australia voting in the French presidential and the following legislative elections in 2017. The article examines the voting patterns there might be between those voting in their home country (Italy and France) and those voting in external electoral colleges (in this case, the relevant Australian college). The article shows that those living abroad—in this case, Australia—provide different political choices and less surprising low voting participation compared to the domestic districts. It also highlights that the transnational community can be, and is, influenced by the political context of their host country, which will be different from that which occurs in their home country. 相似文献
19.
杨聪荣 《华侨华人历史研究》2002,(2):1-14
九十年代后期澳大利亚华人参政形式发生了结构性转变,由原来的相对散漫而少有华人参政,转变成为华人主动集会结社投身政治.本文认为,这种转变是在特定的历史时空,由华人社群与澳洲主流社会的变化互相激荡而产生的.本文利用公民社会理论来建构一个看待移民社会政治参与的参考架构,用海外华人的视角来审视澳洲华人发展史,讨论九十年代后期澳洲极端派反移民势力的兴起,以及对华人社会的影响.笔者认为,澳洲华人社会这个转变提供了一个华人参政的良好典范,即以少数族裔身份在公民社会中参与政治活动,从而改变主流社会的思维. 相似文献
20.
Geoffrey Hale 《The American review of Canadian studies》2013,43(4):494-511
This article assesses the contemporary dynamics of transnationalism in Canada–US relations as the interaction of three key factors: market-driven or “bottom-up” economic integration, sectoral differentiation embedded in transgovernmental relations, and societal (or cultural) transnationalism. It also notes the disruptive and potentially transformative effects of transnational and transgovernmental forces beyond North America which are becoming increasingly central to the calculations of policymakers and major interest groups in both countries. It concludes that transnationalism is a multidimensional phenomenon that appears more likely to facilitate mutual accommodation between the US and its North American neighbors embedded within broader national and international policy streams than to build a broad North American consensus on policy harmonization for the foreseeable future. 相似文献