马丁·路德与犹太人问题

马丁·路德并非是一个始终如一的反犹主义者 ,他由反犹到亲犹 ,又由亲犹到仇犹 ,这种态度急转弯式的变化是受他所发起的宗教改革运动的具体局势左右的。虽然路德的反犹思想与建议在早期新教教会圈子里极有市场 ,但由于在当时的德意志无法变成国家行动 ,因而其实际影响力仍然是有限的。但路德描绘的“金融犹太人”形象 ,在以后的数百年间笼罩并毒化了犹太人的生存环境 ,并参与造就了1 9世纪晚期以来的德意志反犹主义运动。     

汽车大亨福特塑像为何出现在希特勒办公室

正说到汽车品牌,人们很容易想到"百年老字号"福特。它的创始人叫亨利·福特,是美国的汽车大王。一个世纪前,亨利·福特团队造出来的福特T型车创造了汽车史上的传奇。不过,鲜为人知的是,这位影响了人类历史发展进程的企业家却与混世魔王希特勒有着微妙的关系。20世纪初期,反犹主义浪潮在欧洲兴起,北美大陆也受到影响,一些美国人也站到了反犹行列。亨利·福特就是其中一个。1915年在谈到一战时,他说:"我知道战争是谁造成     

征稿启事

本文所说的纳粹大屠杀(Holocaust)特指希特勒法西斯对犹太人的杀戮。由于宗教、政治、经济、文化、社会等各方面的种种复杂原因及其互相交错,反犹思潮和行动早在公元前就已产生,在中世纪的欧洲更形成了系统的理论和有组织的行动。到了近代,一波接一波的反犹恶浪又在俄国和东欧肆逆,使犹太人“不仅遭到一个无权的民族所遭受的一般的经济和政治压迫,而且还遭到剥夺他们起码的公民权的压迫”。然而,与纳粹大屠杀相比,所有此前的反犹活动都显得相形见绌。     

试论纳粹大屠杀及其对犹太民族和文明的影响

本文所说的纳粹大屠杀(Holocaust)特指希特勒法西斯对犹太人的杀戮。由于宗教、政治、经济、文化、社会等各方面的种种复杂原因及其互相交错,反犹思潮和行动早在公元前就已产生,在中世纪的欧洲更形成了系统的理论和有组织的行动。到了近代,一波接一波的反犹恶浪又在俄国和东欧肆逆,使犹太人“不仅遭到一个无权的民族所遭受的一般的经济和政治压迫,而且还遭到剥夺他们起码的公民权的压迫”。然而,与纳粹大屠杀相比,所有此前的反犹活动都显得相形见绌。     

从“社会”的视角思考政治——19世纪上半叶法国政治话语的重要转变

18世纪的法国启蒙哲人热衷于从拟设的"自然状态"出发,谈论人普遍享有的"自然权利"。这种思考政治的方式在法国大革命遭遇挫折后饱受批评。不少人认为,它过于抽象并且轻视历史与现实的社会状况。在19世纪上半叶的法国,无论保守派、自由派,还是社会主义思想家,大都关注历史研究,并且从"社会"的视角来思考政治,于是带有强烈历史意识的社会学说纷纷兴起。基佐把"社会状况"视为比"政治制度"更为根本的因素,他关于文明史的研究就是考察欧洲社会变迁的一次成功尝试。圣西门倡导用实证与科学的方法研究历史与社会,摒弃抽象的意识形态之争,回归到社会事实本身来思考政治。实证和科学的精神渗透到19世纪的各种思潮中,促成了观念与经验的互动,这一切有助于法国顺利完成政治现代化的转型。     

试论第二次世界大战前苏联的犹太民族政策

长期以来,国内外学术界均认为反犹主义是斯大林主义的一个基本特征。但是,本文并不认为二者之间有什么必然联系。事实上,在第二次世界大战之前,以列宁和斯大林为首的苏联党和国家领导人为解决苏联现实社会中存在的反犹主义问题曾做出过巨大的努力,并取得了一定的成果。苏联政府在犹太民族政策上强调的是谴责反犹主义,反对犹太复国主义。     

近现代法国学界对高卢祖先说的构建

从一开始,法兰西民族的高卢祖先说便是一种历史想象和一种有意识的构建.18世纪早期,贵族坚持法兰克征服者说,严重动摇了中世纪以来流行的高卢人与法兰克人的同宗说,也为近代法国埋下了种族斗争的导火线.大革命以及后大革命时期,高卢祖先被高度政治化,成为时人与旧制度进行彻底切割的一个有力工具.法兰西民族和日耳曼民族在19世纪的冲突与战争,更令法国学界备感构建高卢祖先说的必要性和迫切性.学界逐渐抛弃种族决定论,而以社会政治因素作为构建高卢祖先说的主要因素.高卢祖先说可谓是应近现代法国民族政治共同体建设的需要而构建的,高卢祖先最终"战胜"抑或"吸纳"法兰克祖先,成为法兰西民族唯一的集体祖先的过程,正是法兰西民族的政治民族属性不断强化的过程.     

浅析中世纪西欧反犹主义的根源

中世纪的西欧是基督教的世界,生活在这块土地上的犹太人遭受着常人难以想象的迫害,没有人同情他们,也没有人去在意他们的感受,有的只是压迫、屠杀。中世纪西欧反犹主义的根源问题一直是历史学界感兴趣的课题之一,本文试图从宗教、经济、政治、社会这几个方面对这个问题来加以分析,希望对以后的研究能提供一些有益帮助。     

浅析中世纪西欧反犹主义的根源简

中世纪的西欧是基督教的世界,生活在这块土地上的犹太人遭受着常人难以想象的迫害,没有人同情他们,也没有人去在意他们的感受,有的只是压迫、屠杀。中世纪西欧反犹主义的根源问题一直是历史学界感兴趣的课题之一,本文试图从宗教、经济、政治、社会这几个方面对这个问题来加以分析,希望对以后的研究能提供一些有益帮助。     

北宋政治得失与政治文化

在社会化系统中,直接影响与作用于政治的是政治化。北宋政治化是中国传统政治化发展演变的一个历史阶段。在北宋繁荣的学术化与学艺术的促进下,北宋政治化的发展更加成熟,具有自己的独特内容。在北宋社会的长期稳定与发展中,可以明显看到北宋政治化对政治所发挥的影响与导向功能。在北宋的政治危机以及北宋败亡中,则可以清楚地看到政治化所具有的缺陷与弊端。北宋政治化不仅具有中国传统政治化所固有的缺陷,而且在其形成发展中又产生了新的问题。     

Anglophobia and anti-Semitism: The case of Alphonse Toussenel (1803-1885)

Alphonse Toussenel (1803-1885) was a utopian socialist who criticised the economic liberalism of the July Monarchy. He was a follower of Charles Fourier who denounced the ills of civilisation: individualism, egoism and class conflict. However, he was also the founder of modern French anti-Semitism. His writings inspired Edouard Drumont. The present article explores the links between Toussenel's brand of anti-Semitism, rooted in a revolutionary-nationalist reading of French history, and his almost equally aggressive Anglophobia. He described 'Londres-Juda' as an insatiable vampire sucking the lifeblood of France. In Toussenel's hands zoology became a vehicle for social criticism and his natural history books, as much as his political writings, were infused with anti-English sentiments. The English and the Jews represented external and internal threats to French national identity. An examination of Toussenel's writings helps to understand the joint presence of Anglophobia and anti-Semitism within social romanticism.     

Anti-Semites on Zionism: From Indifference to Obsession

This article compares European and Middle Eastern anti-Semitism in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. From the 1870s through the 1930s, in parallel fashion anti-Semitism became a mobilizing, all-embracing ideology in Europe, while the Arab world witnessed an eruption of anticolonial and nationalist sentiment, often directed against the Zionist project. Arab anti-Semitism featured the irrational and fantastic qualities of its European counterpart, but it took form against the reality of the Zionist project. The article draws a distinction between the realms of systemic intolerance, aggravated by socio-economic crisis, and political strife, driven by discrete events and policies. Its main sources are fin-de-siècle European anti-Semites' writings on Zionism, which are shown to be fundamentally different from the anti-Zionist rhetoric emanating from the Middle East at that time.     

Israeli Perceptions of Anti-Semitism and Anti-Zionism

Zionist thinkers assumed that the establishment of a Jewish state, which entailed a fundamental change in traits that non-Jews found contemptible, would bring an end to anti-Semitism. Yet after the 1967 war, the Soviet Union, the Western left and Third World governments, previously supportive of Israel, placed Israel in the camp of Western imperialism, while the emerging New Left identified Israel as imperialistic and racist. Against the background of the change in the international climate, debates in Israel over anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism were shaped by domestic politics. While the right saw anti-Semitism as the cause of hostility to Israel, the left argued that anti-Zionism, rooted in political arguments about the Middle East conflict, fanned the flames of anti-Semitism. The attitude to anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism became a cultural code, highlighting the divide between left and right, and between religious and secular.     

Walking the Middle of the Peace Road? The Emergence of JCall in France

On 3 May 2010, a ‘Call to reason’ (Appel à la raison) was presented to the European Parliament in Brussels by a number of prominent figures from European Jewish political and intellectual classes, launching JCall, which is supposedly the European version of the US J Street. JCall explicitly positions itself as pro-Israel on one hand but against the Israeli state's occupation and increased settlement of Palestine, including East Jerusalem, on the other hand. The ‘reason’ it calls for is thus a negotiated two-state settlement to the Israeli–Palestinian conflict and the organisation urges EU governments to apply pressure on both Israel and the Palestinian Authority to this end. This article looks at JCall within the French context, first in distinction to J Street in the USA, with which JCall shares a political position but not organisational links, and second in relation to the broader French political debate about Jewishness, Muslimness and the Middle East. Criticised by the right for its supposed disloyalty to Israel and even ‘anti-Semitism’, and by the left for its non-support of boycott, divestment and sanctions and its ongoing support of the Israeli state, JCall at first appears as somewhat middle-of-the-road in the French context. It also, from this writer's point of view, regrettably lacks a strong female presence or gendered perspective. It has, however, emerged as a serious political voice in the debate over the Middle East and could be less of a lightweight in the French political battles over Israel and Palestine than it may have first appeared.     

‘A Wagner for the Jews’: Moses Pergament,Richard Wagner and anti-Semitism in Swedish cultural life in the interwar period

This article deals with the Finnish-Swedish, Jewish composer and author Moses Pergament and his relationship with Wagner's theories, anti-Semitism in particular, and their influence on the development of modern Swedish classical music during the interwar period. The author emphasizes the importance of recognizing that Pergament's reaction to Wagner's cultural theories was part and parcel of his struggle for assimilation. The basis of Pergament's interpretation of Wagner was the notion that it is possible to separate life and belief: the anti-Semitism and enthusiastic lechery were part of Wagner's life, to which it was not necessary to attach much importance. The beliefs, on the other hand, were there to be analysed. Furthermore, an explicit and public critique of Wagner's anti-Semitism was inconsistent with an attempt to gain a foothold in Swedish cultural life. As Wagner's anti-Semitism was well known but was deemed either acceptable or irrelevant, paying attention to it was by definition proof of a Jewish identification. To be accepted as a Swedish music critic, Pergament had to follow the unwritten rules of the game, amongst them the requirement not to exhibit his ‘Jewishness’ openly. The actions of certain members of Föreningen Svenska Tonsättare (FST, the Association of Swedish Composers) indicate that Pergament's work was not thought to indicate a Swedish identification. On the contrary, his reviews were seen as a threat to ‘Swedish music’, and with implicit references to Wagner this was attributed to Pergament's supposed lack of feeling for the ‘spirit of the Swedish people’.     

Ber Borokhov

The task of this article is to pose the question: Can there be a principled anti-Zionism? That is, can there be an anti-Zionism that escapes the scourge of anti-Semitism? After suggesting criteria by which this may be possible, the article excavates a tradition of Jewish anti-Zionism (or Zionist agnosticism) in the past that can hardly be branded anti-Semitic. The first current of this tradition flows out of early-twentieth-century Germany, where Jewish thinkers, in conscious opposition to Zionists, envisaged a Judaism that did not submit to the contingencies of time or space. The second current, comprised of twentieth-century Orthodox Jews, similarly opposed Zionism for its attempt to return Jews to history and to their ancestral homeland. After following these overlapping currents, the article concludes by returning to the contemporary scene and inquiring whether a principled Jewish anti-Zionism is possible today.     

Zionism as told by Rashid Rida

Muhammad Rashid Rida, the editor of al-Manar and one of the preeminent Muslim thinkers of the twentieth century, published between 1898 and 1935 dozens of reports, analyses, and Quran exegesis on Jews, Zionism, and the Palestine question. His scholarship greatly influenced the Muslim Brothers and still reverberates in the Arab political discourse today. Based on the first systematic reading and contextualization of al-Manar's pertinent texts, this article examines and explains the radical shifts in Rida's views: from describing Zionism as a humanitarian enterprise of a virtuous nation to depicting it as a plan for ethnic cleansing; from expressing doubts about the ability of the Arabs to prevail against the Jews to proclaiming certainty that they would; and from condemning French anti-Semitism to embracing hateful theories about Jewish conspiracies and vices.     

On the 80th anniversary of the Racial Laws. Articles reflecting the current scholarship on Italian Fascist anti-Semitism in honour of Michele Sarfatti

ABSTRACT

This special issue of the Journal of Modern Italian Studies, edited by Annalisa Capristo and Ernest Ialongo, marks the 80^th anniversary of the implementation of the Racial Laws in Fascist Italy. It is an opportunity to assess the evolution of the historical literature on Fascist anti-Semitism and to mark future directions for research, but also to pay homage to Michele Sarfatti, who was critical in the development of the current state of the historiography on the subject. Where the earlier work, before the 1980s, was founded on the idea of ‘Italiani brava gente’, wherein Italy’s role was downplayed in the persecution of the Jews and in the Holocaust, that Italians were simply too humane to have participated in such horrific events, Sarfatti’s work launched a veritable revolution in the field, which dismantled all the tenets of the original consensus. This introduction surveys these developments, and summarizes the contributions of the varied authors published here who continue to challenge old truths and bring us closer to a more full and accurate understanding of Fascist anti-Semitism.     

Readjusting Cultural Codes: Reflections on Anti-Semitism and Anti-Zionism

In this article I seek to apply the notion of anti-Semitism as a cultural code, which I initially developed 25 years ago with relation to the antimodernist trends in late-nineteenth-century Germany, to the phenomena of anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism today. From the 1960s anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism formed part of a larger ideological package consisting of anticolonialism, anticapitalism, and a deep suspicion of US policies. In the eyes of members of the developing countries, Jews became a symbol of the West and legitimate targets for hatred. Thus, the position on the Jewish question, even if not in itself of paramount importance, came to indicate a belonging to a larger camp, a political stand and an overall cultural choice. The question is whether the position towards Israel today, which has become a central issue for the European left, can still be considered a cultural code or whether it rather indicates a more direct anti-Jewish attack, above all as a result of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.     

The Ordre Des Medecins and the Jews in Vichy France, 1940-1944

This paper examines the way in which the Jewish question washandled by the Ordre des Médecins, a representative institutionfor the medical profession created by the Vichy government.It discusses the historiography of Vichy anti-Semitism generallyand goes on to analyze the background of anti-Semitism in theFrench medical profession in the 1930s, comparing it with anti-Semitismin other professions such as Law. The paper then discusses thereactions of the Ordre des Médecins and its governingbody, the Conseil Supérieur, to the Vichy anti-Semiticlegislation which affected the profession and compares its brandof anti-Semitism with the official Vichy policy. It focuseson the unequal battle between the Conseil Supérieur,whose members were typically traditional nationalistic and protectionistanti-Semites, and the Vichy government, where quasi-racial anti-Semitismwas official policy. It explains the inevitable defeat of theConseil Supérieur.