中亚国家独立前后跨国民族的迁移对其民族结构的影响

本文对中亚各国民族结构主体民族化的状况进行了分析研究。认为在中亚国家政局动荡、经济陷于危机的形势下,民族结构的主体民族化有利于各国暂时缓解民族矛盾和稳定政局,有利于暂时缓解失业带来的社会压力;然而从长远的发展角度来看,它侵蚀了中亚社会稳定的基石,不利于中亚各国社会的长治久安,破坏了良性的社会结构,加速了中亚社会的分化。     

中亚地区民族人口迁移及其社会后果

民族人口迁移问题是处在转型时期的中亚国家普遍面临的社会问题。苏联解体前后,中亚成为全球范围内人口迁移规模较大的地区,而且人口迁出无论是在规模上还是在数量上都比人口迁入表现得更为突出。文章认为,民族人口迁出问题是中亚国家多种社会矛盾积累与集中的产物,它本身又会对中亚国家的社会现实产生不可忽视的负面效应,尤其是大批俄罗斯人居民的迁出备受关注。     

中亚国家的民族政策：理论与实践

本文主要论述中亚五国-哈萨克斯坦、乌兹别克斯坦、吉尔吉斯斯坦、土库曼斯坦和塔吉克斯坦-独立10年来民族理论和民族政策的变化情况以及它们在民族工作方面存在的问题。文章认为,中亚国家在不断反思,修正苏联时期的民族理论和借鉴他国民族工作经验的基础上,提出了自己的民族理论,并制定了大致适合本国国情的民族政策,保证了国内形势的稳定,但由于一些理论观点还不够系统、成熟和条理化,民族政策还缺乏具体,周密的保障措施,为此,中亚国家的民族理论和民族政策还须不断完善。     

浅析中亚国家的社会分化与整合

本文通过对中亚国家独立十年来的民族社会结构分化与社会整合等问题的探讨 ,揭示了中亚各国在独立道路上所遇到的困难与波折 ,分析了中亚各国的社会发展情况。从社会结构的分化上来说 ,中亚各国独立十年来体现在各领域的分层十分明显。从社会整合方面来讲 ,由于前苏联人为地造成的资源分配的不平衡 ,导致中亚各国资源利用上的匮乏 ,致使其政治系统的正常运行受到严重的打击 ,结果给中亚各国的社会整合带来了较大的困难。目前中亚各国的社会整合任重而道远 ,需要社会各部分力量的相互协调与合作。     

中亚国家的民族关系与地区安全

随着地缘政治的变化,中亚五国的民族问题凸显跨国性。民族与宗教因素相结合、相促发,利用宗教服务于极端民族主义是影响民族关系、制约国家经济建设和危及地区安全的突出征象。“9.11”事件以后,由于美国的军事介入,致使中亚的民族问题更加复杂,不仅关涉五国间的国家关系,而且牵动包括我国西北边疆及其他周边国家在内的地区安全。面临来自周边动荡带的巨大压力,中亚的稳定仍然十分脆弱,强化国家安全的任务极其艰巨。中亚各国政府针对本国出现的一些具体问题,积极推行一系列促进族际关系健康发展的措施,民族问题始终处于政府的控制之下,整个地区总体上保持基本稳定态势,但局部片区的安全形势不容乐观,种种变数难以预测。     

新疆柯尔克孜族的跨国历程与现状探析

柯尔克孜族与中亚的吉尔吉斯族是同源跨国民族,文章主要从柯尔克孜族的跨国历程、边界遗留问题及其影响、柯尔克孜族的民族认同与国家认同几个方面展开分析,并对柯尔克孜族的现状进行反思,认为应当协调各方势力,促进柯尔克孜族的和谐发展,维护边疆的稳定。     

民族主义与民族国家构建析论

民族主义是现代性的政治共同体意识与行动,民族主义塑造出了民族。民族主义强调他者意识,强调民族的政治权利,也强调民族内部的平等。民族主义推动了民族国家的创建。民族国家被证明优于之前的政权组织模式,因此民族主义又成为现代国家合法性的来源。民族国家创建之后,民族主义依然存在,还会以爱国主义、分离主义等形式表现出来。对那些只具备了民族国家外表而没有实现对民族国家的认同超越其他认同的国家而言,缔造或者深化民族主义在其未来的发展中显得尤为重要。     

当代国际政治格局演变中的民族宗教问题与世界和平

本把民族问题和宗教问题放在国际政治格局发展变化的大环境中、观察其对世界和平的影响，认为国际政治格局演变牵动世界民族宗教问题的发展变化，世界民族宗教问题也会对国际安全局势产生重大影响，一个国宗内部的民族宗教问题处理不好，也会影响到周边国家、整个地区乃至全球的稳定。当今世界，极端民族主义、极端宗教势力和国际恐怖主义三股恶势力勾结在一起，引发了一轮又一轮的国际安全危机，巳成为危害国际牡会稳定和世界安全的重要因索。世界各围应促进民族和解、加强宗教平等对话，国际社会爱好和平的力量应共同携手、合力解决世界民族宗教矛盾，维护世界和乎与全人类的进步。     

论文化认同的形成和民族意识的特性

民族主义的基本前提是民族意识和民族认同,这是民族主义研究领域的学者们已经达到的最重要的共识。但是许久以来,绝大多数学者只是把它作为一个不证自明的公理性预设,认定每一个民族成员对于本民族的同胞和本民族的文化都有一种天然的认同感;民族意识觉醒于殖民主义时代,其结果表现为民族主义。而很少有人对此进行理论考察。事实上,要想厘清民族主义的来龙去脉,特别是要想认请民族主义的基本属性,就不能回避民族意识和文化认同问题,因为它们决定了民族主义的基本特性。本文所要探讨的正是这一重要的理论问题。     

后殖民语境下的民族叙事

在西方,民族意识是在文艺复兴之后伴随着宗教意识的衰落而发展起来的,并逐步取代宗教意识而成为联结社会成员的主要纽带。随着西方资本的跨国扩张,欧洲民族意识很快演化为极端民族主义——殖民主义。殖民主义利用民族主义的集体性所进行的大规模殖民,使得殖民地民族的意识觉醒,并逐步发展为反殖民主义的民族主义。印度后殖民批评家查特吉（Partha Chatterjee）认为,霸权主义与恐怖主义是民族主义在当代的两种表现形式,其共同特点就是把“民族”这个范畴本质化而没有认识到其中的构建性质及民族叙事固有的矛盾性。关于民族主义造成现代民族国家之间的不平等权力关系以及由此引发的暴力冲突,查特吉在后殖民民族主义研究“三部曲”中已经谈得很多了。本文从民族叙事本身的矛盾性出发,揭示民族叙事在构建统一体的过程中对于差异的忽略,进而审视民族主义如何“复制”了殖民主义不平等的权力关系,对疆界内的少数群体及妇女构成新的剥削与压迫。     

The consequences of nationalism: A scholarly exchange

The main thrust of the scholarship on nationalism has so far been concerned with its origins. But nationalism also has effects. Whether it underpins the nation-building efforts of states, is mobilised by counter-state forces or is used in everyday life, nationalism might implicate a wide range of substantive outcomes, including political regimes, public goods provision, citizenship and immigration laws, and different patterns of conflict. Yet—with a few notable exceptions—the consequences of nationalism have received significantly less scholarly attention. In response, the aim of this Exchange is to create a new dialogue between different strands of scholarship around what we know and do not know about the consequences of nationalism. We organise this Exchange around the following questions: (1) What is nationalism? (2) How can we measure nationalism? (3) What are the consequences of nationalism? (4) What are new research frontiers?     

PANEL ON NATIONALISM IN THE USSR: ENVIRONMENTAL AND TERRITORIAL ASPECTS

A panel of geographers, demographers, and political scientists discusses a broad range of issues related to the resurgence of nationalism in the USSR and its relationship to environmental protest and territorial disputes: the emergence of nationality politics; differential rates of nationality population growth and urbanization; various conceptions of (and levels of autonomy within) ethnic homelands; the spatial pattern of actual and potential territorial claims; linkages between environmentalism and nationalism (with an emphasis on the Baltic and Central Asian republics); parallels and differences between the USSR and other countries; and consequences of efforts to implement republic-level economic autonomy and khozraschet.     

Gender earnings and poverty reduction: post-Communist Uzbekistan

Women get less of the material resources, social status, power and opportunities for self-actualization than men do who share their social location – be it a location based on class, race, occupation, ethnicity, religion, education, nationality, or any intersection of these factors. The process of feminization of poverty in Central Asia and Uzbekistan is intimately connected to the cultural and institutional limitations that put a ceiling on women’s involvement in economic activity. This article attempts to study and explore gender in the context of poverty reduction in Uzbekistan, the most populated state of Central Asia, to understand the ways and manner in which poverty and other forms of deprivation demand women’s participation in variety of contexts. The study is primarily an empirical one and is based on an extensive sociological investigation in the field.     

A bargain between the secular state and Turkish Islam: politics of ethnicity in Central Asia

Abstract. This paper reveals and analyses the ethnic politics mobilised by a fast‐growing Islamic movement, the Gülen movement, which emerged in the 1980s in Turkey and expanded to Central Asia in the mid‐1990s. Following the micro‐sites, where nationness is reproduced as an everyday practice, my ethnographic research in Almaty‐Kazakhstan explored the emergent Islamic sensibilities for the nation and ethnic identity. Revivalist Islam has often been essentialised as incompatible with nationalism, since it has been widely associated with the Muslim community rather than nations and nation‐states. I argue that this bias is facilitated and maintained by the deep division in the literature. Scholarly work on both Islam and nationalism are split into two opposing approaches, state‐centered and culture‐centered. The findings of the present study challenge the binary thinking that juxtaposes politics against culture and dichotomises ethnic and state‐framed base of nationalism and nationhood. My major finding is that the Gülen movement has not only inherited the symbols and myths of descent from the founding fathers of the Turkish state, but it is also currently reproducing the related ethnic politics in cooperation with–not in opposition to–the secular states in the post‐Soviet Turkic world. The study reconciles ethno‐symbolic and state‐centered approaches in explaining the convergence between Islamic and secular nationalism in the formation of ethnic politics in Almaty‐Kazakhstan.     

The predicament of 'civil society' in Central Asia and the 'Greater Middle East'

This article discuses the concept of 'civil society' and how it has been used by the international community to promote democratization. It addresses some of the dimensions and side-effects of the policy, such as the relationship with traditional societies and power networks. It also addresses the importance of attending to the conditions of implementation, political issues such as nationalism and Islam, and political actors who may only have recent democratic credentials. Political democratization—free elections—is clearly popular in the Greater Middle East and Central Asia. During the last two years people have voted every time they have had the opportunity, despite the dangers. The debate concerning the compatibility of Islam and democracy overlooks the fact that the main obstacle to democratization in the area is usually not a religious but a secular authoritarian regime. The difficulty of building a democracy with people we do not consider to be democrats is discussed. There can be no democratization process without taking into account the mainstream Islamist parties and without acknowledging the importance of nationalism. There is a clash between the 'war on terror' approach and the call for elections: one cannot put Hamas and Hezbollah on the terrorist list and call for free elections in which both would emerge as legitimate and representative political movements.     

Liberal nationalism and Central American refugees: What is America's national responsibility?

In an era of unprecedented numbers of migrants from the global south to the global north, nationalism has become synonymous with liberal states' ethnocentric, xenophobic, and racist immigration policies. The Trump administration's treatment of Central American refugees has been taken as a prime example. By focusing on liberal cultural nationalism, this paper demonstrates that these prevailing perceptions about nationalism are unfounded. Although liberal cultural nationalism has been accused of endorsing restrictive immigration policies, the degree to which liberal cultural nationalism's immigration policies are restrictive is context dependent; under certain circumstances, liberal nationalism may call for relaxing immigration policies to admit certain types of immigrants by invoking the idea of national responsibility. Consequently, liberal cultural nationalism offers one of the strongest liberal arguments for admitting certain kinds of migrants from the global south. The Central American refugee crisis at the U.S. southern border is analysed as a case study to illustrate this.     

Alfred Marshall's economic nationalism

ABSTRACT. Alfred Marshall has been seen as an economic liberal and one of the founders of the neo‐classical school. However, this article challenges such conventional wisdom and argues that Marshall is best understood as an economic nationalist. Economic nationalism has been falsely associated with mercantilism, the zero‐sum view of international economies, and so on. However, a new approach for studying economic nationalism has recently been proposed to redefine its conception. The present article shows that Marshall's economic thought is compatible with this new conception of economic nationalism. Marshall emphasised the role of nationality in the economic process. The characteristics of his economic thought, such as the evolutionary view of economy, conform more closely to Friedrich List's economic nationalism than to economic liberalism. By portraying Marshall's theory as that of economic nationalism, the author concludes that economic nationalism can have a systematic theory.     

The return of economic nationalism to East Central Europe: Right‐wing intellectual milieus and anti‐liberal resentment

This article emphasises the non‐economic goals of economic nationalism and in particular its often overlooked political goals. Drawing parallels between economic nationalisms in Central Europe and East Asia, it focuses on Poland and Hungary and asks why did these countries turn to economic nationalism. The article traces this turn to ideational foundations developed by right‐wing intellectuals over the last two decades, arguing that right‐wing intellectuals believed that liberalism has failed what they conceived of its most important (political) purpose, the need of a radical break with the communist past. Based on a study of the writings and careers of leading Polish and Hungarian right‐wing intellectuals, the article draws attention to the nature of the perceived threat to the nation. It contributes to the sociology of nationalism an analysis of how such a threat emerges and translates into a guiding idea of illiberal economic policies.     

Introduction: Transnational retail and the global economy

The fastest retail-system transformation in history has beensweeping across the emerging markets of East Asia, Central andEastern Europe, and Latin America over the past decade withprofound impacts on economies and societies in those regions.Conceptualized by researchers in development studies and agriculturaleconomics as the ‘supermarket revolution in developingcountries’ (see, for example, Reardon et al., 2003; Reardon,2005; Reardon and Hopkins, 2006; Humphrey, 2007; Reardon etal., 2007), that transformation has been driven not only bydemand-side forces such as urbanization and income growth inthe emerging markets, but also by supply-side forces such