也谈晚清幼童留美计划中途夭折的原因——以李鸿章对幼童留美计划的态度转变为中心

本文考察了李鸿章对晚清幼童留美计划前后不同的态度转变,指出李鸿章的态度转变是导致该计划中途夭折的重要原因.而李鸿章对幼童留学事业前后不一的态度,则折射出了李鸿章等洋务派的思想观念仍旧拘囿于"中学为体,西学为用"的樊篱内.这种观念,不仅导致幼童留美计划中途夭折,实际上也预示了后来整个洋务事业的命运与结局.     

近十年李鸿章与洋务运动研究综述

晚清的洋务运动,影响了中国的近代化进程和改革开放;洋务运动最主要的倡导者和实践者李鸿章,又影响了这一运动的进程和结局.近十年来,史学界主要从李鸿章与近代政治外交、近代海防、近代企业、近代教育四个方面对李鸿章与洋务运动的关系进行了研究探讨,较客观、全面地论述了李鸿章领导洋务运动的是非功过与经验教训.     

试论李鸿章“以夷制夷”的外交策略

李鸿章面对史无前例的变局和强敌,在外交上采取"以夷制夷"的策略,对争取自强的安定环境有一定的积极意义。但由于晚清国力孱弱、统治者目光短浅、派系斗争激烈和国际形势复杂等原因,李鸿章的外交策略也不可避免地陷入了失败境地。     

李昭庆与曾国藩--与贾熟村先生商榷几个问题

曾国藩为清朝钦差大臣,先后负责镇压太平天国和捻军起义.李鸿章的六弟昭庆曾带淮军继招的新勇协助曾国藩守安徽芜湖、无为、庐江,其军事才能初露头角,曾欲用之为统领,以备他日栋梁之选,李鸿章以禀商"家慈",代辞.但正在谋发展的李昭庆与其三哥鹤章成为李鸿章"平吴"的左右手.曾国藩奉令北上剿捻后,为了笼络淮军诸将,请李昭庆办理营务.曾国藩为了对付捻军的运动战术,于四省十三府州设四重镇驻兵,以静制动,并筹建游击之师一支,以李昭庆为游击之师统领.李昭庆带兵作战不力,请为曾国藩护卫.曾国藩辞掉钦差大臣后,清廷以李鸿章为钦差大臣督军剿捻,曾勉励其助兄完成"剿捻大业",李昭庆表示要大干一场,但不久又打了退堂鼓,要求"卸营务、统军两差".曾国藩想到昭庆"时前时却",不肯"苦战",又"于官阶、功名二者不甚歆慕",只好劝李鸿章另择统领,接替他.文章说明:曾国藩希望落空,李昭庆自毁仕途前程.     

中法战争中李鸿章的外交活动

李鸿章参与了中法战争中的对外交涉。与人们一般看法不同,李鸿章并非始终主和,而是不同阶段有不同的态度和表现。李鸿章的态度及变化与朝廷的态度有密切关系,他不是决策者,而是执行者。     

19世纪的地方政府与荒政——兼论李鸿章在直隶的赈灾活动

本文认为在19世纪地方财政不足,中央财政支持力度又不大的情况下,赈灾力度不足和达不到理想结果应是常态和必然趋势.李鸿章通过自身影响和努力,能够在一定程度上减缓这种趋势,但不可能彻底扭转,因而各种救灾活动不可能达到理想结果.但绝不能以此否定李鸿章任直隶总督时期的赈灾努力.相对于其前后任,李鸿章筹得的款、物最多.赈灾达不到理想结果,更多的是中央政府的责任.     

李鸿章与郭嵩焘的友谊

在洋务派中,清廷政要认为李鸿章能见其大,丁日昌能致其精,沈葆桢能尽其实,郭嵩焘既精且大.李鸿章与郭嵩焘都是洋务派的佼佼者,志同道合,互相支持.又同受守旧派的攻讦,同病相怜,互相同情,互相安慰,形成了他们之间的深厚友谊.     

李鸿章集外文补遗

李鸿章是影响中国近代历史的关键人物之一。安徽教育出版社2008年版《李鸿章全集》,收集甚备,有重要的学术影响,但亦有疏漏。兹将所辑集外文六篇迻录,并作简释,以备相关研究参考。     

李鸿章与晚清两淮盐政改革

李鸿章是对晚清两淮盐政改革产生重大影响的关键性人物.在两江总督任上,他毅然选择大商人而放弃小商人,以捐输票本、循环转运和招商联保的方式确保税源;在湖广总督任内,出于地方利益的考虑,他又坚决维护原来力图加以改变的"川盐济楚"局面.由此可见,利益才是李鸿章施政决策的根本出发点.     

李鸿章集外文再补

李鸿章是影响中国近代历史的关键人物之一。安徽教育出版社2008年版《李鸿章全集》,收集甚备,有重要的学术影响,但亦有疏漏,前曾辑集外文六篇迻录,今复得补辑九篇,以备相关研究参考。     

Climate and energy security policies and measures: synergies and conflicts

Concerns about climate and energy security are leading to increased government intervention in the energy sector, in particular as they relate to the choice of energy supply options. While many of these options will improve both energy and climate security, many measures will benefit one while harming the other. This raises an important question for governments and energy planners: how can conflicts between climate and energy security be resolved? This article outlines some of the barriers and problems that may arise as governments and companies try to address climate and energy security concerns simultaneously in various energy supply areas. It concludes by arguing against choosing one objective over the other, and by outlining steps that can be taken to help resolve conflicts between the two agendas.     

我和我的兄弟姐妹

1938年．我出生在金沙江畔一个叫巴塘的小县城里。生在哪一天．至今不知道．因此．六十多年过去了．我从来也没有过过生日。     

Challenger and Chernobyl Lessons and Reflections

Abstract

It is argued that Psychological research on 'race' and 'ethnicity' issues presents a number of ethical problems. These relate to the sociopolitical impact of such research, particularly when it purports to find differences of an 'innate' character; to the use of naive subjects, particularly children, in research which is aimed at demonstrating their 'inferiority'; and, within the academic community itself, to the working relationships between researchers who believe in 'innate' 'race' differences and colleagues belonging to allegedly 'inferior' groups – this being particularly significant within a teaching environment. Although the 'race differences' question has a long and controversial history, ethical issues relating to the research process itself have received less focused attention. Moreover, replacement of the genetically obsolete concept of 'race' with the idea of 'ethnicity' does not solve the problem entirely, and the term 'ethnicity' is itself unsatisfactory in several respects.     

Power and Ethnicity History and Anthropology

This essay reflects on the relationship between anthropological and historical scholarship of ethnicity, picking up on themes explored by Andre Gingrich, by considering the epistemological and evidentiary limitations of social scientific and historical analysis and reconstruction. Beginning with the consideration of the pioneering transdisciplinary efforts of Robert Darnton and Clifford Geertz, it argues that many of the weaknesses ascribed to such efforts are actually part of the nature of social scientific investigation which, in the terms of Peter Winch, must take into account two sets of relationships: that of the relationship between the scientist and the phenomena that he or she observes and the symbolic system that he or she shares with other scientists, which can only be understood from the social context of common activity. How these two relationships challenge social scientific analysis of ethnicity are examined through a consideration of the difficulties of applying Anthony Smith's definition of an ethnie to either Fredrik Barth's classic essay on “Pathan Identity and its Maintenance” or Helmut Reimitz's study of Frankish identity. It concludes that neither anthropologists nor historians are simply describing societies as they are or as they were but rather attempt to describe societies as witnesses within them thought they should be, and we do this for our own society, not for those of the participants, past or present.     

Of Demons and Angels and Historical Humans: Some Events and Questions in Translation and Post-colonial Theory

In what follows, I attempt to show that a look at some curious examples of translations from European texts makes us think about issues in translation theory and post-colonial theory from a slightly different angle. The metaphor of translation can very well be employed for understanding the relation between European texts, and some texts and some social and political practices in India in the colonial period, and this in turn helps us look critically at what I shall call our fuzzy post-colonialism. I also argue that Walter Benjamin's metaphor of translation as the after-life of a work can be extended to posit two basic modes of after-life.     

后伊拉克时代与中国的内政外交--普遍主义与单边主义的冲突

"9·11"事件后,冷战后的国际政治格局发生了重大变化.其最大特征可以概括为以下两点:第一,确立了以唯一超级大国--美国为核心的以反恐为普遍主义的全球性安全阵线;第二,美国的爱国主义、民族主义戏剧性地高涨起来.就像当时有人强调因为全世界有60多个国家的人在世界贸易中心工作,所以对世贸中心的攻击就是对全世界的攻击那样,在美国国民中普遍存在着这样的观点:因为美国社会自身就是世界的缩影,所以星条旗也可被看作是超越一国国界的全人类的普遍象征.