Enrique Díaz Retg and El Diluvio: reportage from the Italian frontline (1916)

In the year 1916 Enrique Díaz Retg, a staff journalist working for the Spanish newspaper El Diluvio, extremely popular among Barcelona’s working class readers, was assigned to report from the Italian front. Following an invitation from the Italian Foreign Office, he was granted permission to visit war zones under the control of the Italian army. During this journey, which began on 5 September and concluded in Rome on the 22nd, he traveled with two other famous Spanish reporters, Ramón Pérez de Ayala and Eduardo Gómez de Baquero. Comparing the articles produced by the three journalists allows us to perceive the main distinctive features of Enrique Díaz Retg’s work. From an ideological point of view, his articles reveal a bias in favor of the Latin race and in them he calls for Mediterranean nations to unite, openly inviting the Spanish authorities to enter into war against the barbaric German enemy. In doing so, he contributed to widening the social gap that in the years to come would increasingly alienate the working class from the institution of monarchy and the Catalan elites.     

评冷战的文化遗产:中美教育交流(1949～1990)

1949~1990年间的中美教育交流,很大程度上受到冷战大环境的影响。其间,教育交流可分为前期准备、建交前的民间交流和建交后的交流三个阶段。中美教育交流虽然发展迅速,但并不是一帆风顺的,它是中美关系的晴雨表。在没有外交关系的情况下,教育交流可以起到疏通两国关系的润滑剂作用;在建立外交关系后,当两国关系出现问题时,教育交流可以起到缓和紧张关系、保持渠道畅通的作用。冷战年代中美两国关系间的教育交流使中美双方在不同程度和不同领域都有所受益。在冷战结束十余年后的今天,回顾冷战时期中美教育交流这一宝贵的文化遗产,是很有必要的。     

Catholic students at war: the Federazione Universitaria Cattolica Italiana, 1940–43

Abstract

This article deals with the religious experience of the Federazione Universitaria Cattolica Italiana during the Second World War. Since many of the future Christian Democrat leaders that would rule the country after the conflict were formed in the ranks of the organization, most of the existing literature has tended to focus on the formation of this ruling class and their political trajectory and, has tended to overstate the origins and character of their anti-fascist departure, neglecting the initial support for many aspects of the Regime's war effort. This article contends, instead, that the most salient features of the war experience of the university students are to be located in the spiritual dimension and in their effort to contrive a religiosity adapted to warfare and modernity in general, interlaced with the powerful myth of a Catholic Italy that, at least in the early stages of the conflict, fuelled the expectations of many in the federation of a primordial role to be played by Italy in a new world order.     

Liberation and literature: Naples 1944

The arrival of Anglo‐American forces in Naples on 1 October 1943 precipitated the structural crisis which had beset the capital of the south since its integration into the Italian nation‐state in 1860. This crisis had been masked by the reassuringly engaging ethos of napoletanità, encoded in the urban dialect and crystallized in its literary culture from Matilde Serao and Salvatore Di Giacomo onwards. The myth of napoletanità had been frozen under Fascism, but was shattered by the experience of the war years and after, and only factitiously restored under the political hegemony of the monarchist ship owner Achille Lauro during the 1950s. Young literary Americans such as John Home Burns and William Weaver, who found themselves in Naples with the occupying Allied forces, fell under its spell, while the equally young British military intelligence officer Norman Lewis maintained a detached, but sympathetic, objectivity. The older Tuscan writer, Curzio Malaparte, so provocatively transformed the image of Naples as to earn furious rejection by the city's dominant postwar political circles and by Italy's literary circles. Yet, despite brilliant attempts at restoration by the departed Neapolitan, Giuseppe Marotta, and the much‐loved actor‐playwright Eduardo De Filippo, napoletanità was systematically undermined and demolished by younger Neapolitan writers from Domenico Rea and Anna Maria Ortese to Raffaele La Capria as the city's urban fabric was transformed by appallingly irresponsible property speculators. This article focuses on the literary anthropology of Naples in the 1940s. It explores literary texts and contexts, and the way they problematize Naples as a unified subject or object. It addresses the paradoxical issue of the city's need for liberation from itself, and the time scale of a liberation that perhaps has always been and always will be in fieri.     

Recalling the War in China： The Dahoufang Project in Chongqing and the Restoration of a Legacy

This article presents a rare inside view of a unique project currently underway in China to study and preserve the memory of possibly the single most seminal event in Chinese modern history, the War of Resistance against Japan （1937-45）. The article introduces a multi-faceted program to preserve the wartime cultural heritage; the work is ongoing in the thriving western metropolis of Chongqing, once China＇s bomb-torn wartime capital and international Allied command center. It describes how, seven decades after World War II, scholars, cultural workers, government experts, and artists in China are joining hands in an unprecedented, all-encompassing project to record, restore, and recount the extraordinary legacy of China＇s War of Resistance in its local, as well as national and global contexts.     

Italy's third fall

Abstract

The collapse of the Italian political system in 1992–3 provoked enormous discussion among students of Italian politics and history on the character and causes of the crisis. Through a reading of some of the most important scholarly works on the subject, this article underlines that the end of the former regime in Italy is increasingly being explained as the outcome of a complex combination of political misjudgements and structural socioeconomic factors, and not just as a secondary consequence of the end of the Cold War.     

The ‘indomitable’ Pignatellis

The fall of Fascism generates contrasting feeling in Italy, now liberated by the Allied troops. In this new scenario, the search for new forms of democratic gathering coexists with its opposite: the aim to recreate an experience now historically ended (the Fascist regime). Indeed, many southern Italians still believe in Fascism and, despite Mussolini's execution in Piazzale Loreto, they kindle the hope of a new Fascist era. Arguably, they see the death of Mussolini as an opportunity to refashion the Fascist ideology, by returning to the myths of its origins. They envision a new form of Fascism, free from political contamination and compromise, and a new regime able to realize the programmes that the old regime has failed to realize. Maria and Valerio Pignatelli represent the dream of a Fascist revival, characterized by innovative and original characters. They find many supporters in the southern regions, especially in Calabria, reversing the stereotype of an ‘apolitical’ and passive south. Therefore, the aim of this article is to reconstruct the Fascist revival in post-war southern Italy through the history of its main exponents.     

The question of Fascist Italy's war crimes: the construction of a self-acquitting myth (1943 – 1948)

Between the announcement of the armistice on 8 September 1943 and 1948, the anti-fascist ruling class developed a narrative of the ‘Fascist war’ that was destined to mark deeply the historical conscience of the country and the national self-image. Until now, extraneous to both of these has been the awareness of Fascist Italy's role as protagonist in a policy of aggression towards various foreign states (Ethiopia, Albania, France, Greece, Yugoslavia, the Soviet Union) and as an occupation regime distinguished by violent forms of repression and control not dissimilar to the abominations committed by Nazi Germany in western Europe. A study of the debate on the question of Italian war crimes and criminals from 1943 to 1948 will shed light on this lacuna in the historical memory of the Italians.     

The Enemy as Confounding Other: Interpersonal Perception and Displacement in Italian Memories of the Resistance and German Occupation of 1943–1945

Much has been written about the legacies of the Italian Resistance during the Second World War, usually based on oral accounts and memoirs of the protagonists of the events- typically produced by the winning side. Meanwhile, the emerging fields of conflict and post-conflict anthropology are opening up the epistemological horizons of a war's impact on person, place and society. Despite much promise, in the case of the Italian civil war and German occupation of 1943–1945, notions of the “enemy” have been accepted unproblematically. Questions of how the enemy was constructed, situated and perceived have not been asked. And yet the Resistance was a highly localized and “visceral” conflict where affective ties to the land were stronger than any allegiance to an abstract “Fatherland” appropriated by Fascism. In this paper, I interrogate mechanisms of perception, othering and exclusion in order to illuminate a grassroots experience of Resistance and occupation.     

The Nigerian Civil War and the ‘Italian’ Oil Workers

The Nigeria-Biafra War, 1967–1970, had significant international dimensions. On 7 May 1969, eleven employees of the Italian-run AGIP oil company were killed at Kwale while eighteen others were held prisoner by Biafran soldiers. The death penalty given to the surviving oil workers by the Biafran government had a damaging effect on Biafra’s international image and temporarily weakened European sympathy for Biafra. Unofficial sources later accused Biafrans of collecting a ransom in exchange for the release of the oil workers. Using previously underutilised archival materials in Britain, Canada and the USA, this paper argues that Biafra rather attempted to use the foreign workers to secure de facto recognition, a move that ended in a fiasco.     

改革开放以来抗日战争胜利纪念活动述论

新中国成立后,政务院即确定每年的9月3日为抗日战争胜利纪念日。改革开放后,每当抗战胜利纪念日,尤其"逢十"纪念之期,国家和社会均会举行各式各样的纪念活动。这些活动主要有召开纪念大会或座谈会,发表社论或纪念文章,开展文化艺术活动等。抗战胜利纪念的社会功能包括:第一,铭记历史事实,宣传国耻记忆、抗争历史、和平经验;第二,进行政治动员,动员全国人民参与社会主义建设、投身改革开放事业、献力中华民族伟大复兴梦想;第三,塑造国家形象,中国对世界反法西斯战争的贡献、中国共产党是抗日战争的中流砥柱、抗日战争形成的伟大精神财富;第四,协调各方关系,中国与世界、大陆与港澳台、共产党与国民党的关系。     

Italy and Yugoslavia: from distrust to friendship in Cold War Europe

Considering the relations of two neighbouring countries with a difficult past and separated by ideological barriers, this article takes a look at the relations between Italy and Yugoslavia in a long perspective during the Cold War. The aim is to portray the development of relations from enmity after the Second World War to good neighbourly relations in Cold War Europe. Including new archival sources of Yugoslav origin, the article shows how mutual relations between Italy and Yugoslavia developed, considering the importance of economic factors, political ambitions, but also the impact of diplomatic agents and political leaders for cooperation on the Adriatic. Taking the international environment into account, the article shows that many developments leading to détente in Europe had indeed their precursors on the Adriatic. This makes the development of relations between Italy and Yugoslavia a success story during the Cold War which has hitherto not been thoroughly acknowledged in historiography.     

An enduring influence on imperial defence and grand strategy: British perceptions of the Italian Navy, 1935–1943

The Mediterranean was a vital artery of the British Empire. It was a strategic corridor, linking Britain to its Middle and Far East possessions and precious resources. Its control was a central tenet of British imperial strategy, yet by the mid-1930s, this faced a new challenge from Fascist Italy. The Italian Navy was central to expansionist aspirations and forced British reappraisals of the allocation of defence resources both in the Mediterranean and elsewhere. It therefore came to exert a generally under-appreciated influence on pre-war British imperial defence policy and war planning. Although consistently viewed as vastly inferior to the Royal Navy, it was still seen as an impediment to Britain's ability to deliver imperial defence across the globe, or conduct a worldwide war against multiple enemies. This view persisted even after important defeats were inflicted on it in 1940–1941, and continued right through to 1943. Awareness of the seriousness with which the British viewed Italian naval strength adds important context to debates about British strategy in the Far East and over Winston Churchill's preference for a ‘Mediterranean first’ strategy. Italian naval power played a greater role in shaping the Allied prosecution of the Second World War than is commonly accepted.     

牌坊文化探略

牌坊作为中国特有的建筑形式,在中国传统文化中具有独特的地位。本文就牌坊的起源、功能及文化内涵等问题加以探讨,并指出牌坊文化是一种值得深入研究的中国的特殊文化现象。     

Italy 1990–2014: the transition that never happened

This introduction explains how the contributors to this special issue draw on interdisciplinary approaches to explain why after 1992–94 Italy never experienced a true transition and why the crisis has become systemic, affecting the entire Italian political, economic, financial and institutional system with far-reaching consequences for Italian society and its future.     

论法西斯意大利的外交选择

凡尔赛格局中,法西斯意大利既非“有”的国家,也非“无”的国家,而是介乎“有”与“无”之间的中间力量。意大利最后盟随德国,并不是一开始就有的既定方针,而是它在两次世界大战之间或主动、或被动的外交选择的结果。     

中国抗日战争在世界反法西斯战争中的历史地位

抗日战争时期,在中国共产党的倡导和推动下,建立了全民族的抗日民族统一战线,中国人民的抗日战争抵制和消耗了日本军队大量的兵力,阻止了日本进攻苏联的计划,配合和援助了世界反法西斯战争。因此,中国人民抗日战争在世界反法西斯战争中具有重要的历史地位。     

From Universalism to Nationalism: Italian Freemasonry and the Great War

Abstract

During the period from 1914 to 1915, prior to Italy’s entry into the First World War, Freemasonry was a powerful force in Italian public life with a strong presence in every part of the nation and in the most vital organs of the State (parliament, public administration, the armed forces). Between them, the Grand Orient and the Grand Lodge of Italy counted 25,000 members and more than 500 lodges. Freemasons played a critical role in the campaign to mobilize Italian public opinion and political parties in support of Italy’s intervention in the war as an ally of France and Great Britain. To do so, they abandoned the movement’s traditional cosmopolitan and pacifist stances and adopted instead the objectives of the nationalists, a shift that would be consolidated during the war. Nonetheless, from 1917 onwards Italian Freemasons joined their counterparts in other European countries to press for the creation of a League of Nations to promote a new post-war universal order premised on the peaceful coexistence of independent and democratic nations. In examining the initiatives taken by Italian Freemasons in this period, this article focuses on the principles that inspired them, the language they adopted and the forms of communication and mobilization they used.