The State and the Left in modern France

French historians have recently begun to pursue the historyof left-wing politics in a manner which suggests that the Marxistframe of reference has begun to disappear, even in this fieldof history. The eminent historian and public intellectual PierreRosanvallon is leading the way in the field of political andintellectual history, through his sustained examination of theState and the ongoing debate about French democracy. The connectionbetween history and current political discourse is important,and it is significant that historians are attempting to revisecommon perceptions of the evolution of French political institutions.Wide areas of new research have been opened out and this articlehopes to offer some reflections on how these new approachesto French political history may be used in future research.     

投资与青海经济增长

投资作为拉动经济增长的“三驾马车”之一,对国民经济的持续发展具有决定性作用。长期以来,青海经济增长的主要拉动力是消费与投资,研究投资与经济增长的相关问题,探讨投资需求扩张的新途径,对于加快青海经济发展至关重要。     

南朝的谱学与政治

南朝谱学是南朝史学的一个重要组成部分,它较为突出地反映了史学与政治的密切关系。门阀政治深刻地影响着南朝谱学的发展,反之,谱学也成为门阀士族维护其特权政治的工具。南朝谱学的政治功用是它一个突出的时代特点,表现出很强的姓氏与地望相结合的姓族特征。同时,南朝谱学与南朝的选官、婚姻有看密切的内在联系。     

清代的朝珠与数珠

朝珠．源自数珠,是清代服饰独有的一种佩饰,清代君臣命妇穿着朝服或吉服时垂挂于胸前。朝珠共108颗。祖先努尔哈赤就佩带朝珠．乾隆时期朝珠制度已经完善,并把它列入《皇朝礼器图式》,以示郑重。朝殊因身份地位的不同．材质也各不相同,以皇帝和皇后佩带的东珠最珍贵。     

The Marcoses and authoritarian rule in the Philippines

Filemon C. Rodriguez, The Marcos Regime: Rape of the Nation, New York, Vantage Press, 1985, pp.285 (reprinted by Moed Press, Quezon City, 1986. Pesos 130.00, paper).

Charles C. McDougald, The Marcos File: Was he a Philippine Hero or a Corrupt Tyrant? San Francisco, San Francisco Publishers, 1987, pp.345. $14.95 (paper).

Raymond Bonner, Waltzing with a Dictator: the Marcoses and the Making of American Policy, London, Macmillan, 1987, pp.533. $39.95 (cloth).

Belinda A. Aquino, Politics of Plunder: the Philippines under Marcos, Quezon City, Great Books Trading and University of the Philippines College of Public Administration, 1987, pp.208. Pesos 100.00 (paper).

Lewis E. Gleeck, President Marcos and the Philippine Political Culture, Manila, Loyal Printing, 1987, pp. 280. US$20.00 (paper).     

The Mafia,the market and the state in Italy and Russia

Pino Arlacchi (1983) La mafia imprenditrice (Bologna: II Mulino); translated by Martin Ryle as Mafia Business: The Mafia Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (London: Verso, 1986), $13.95, ISBN 0‐86091‐892‐0.

Raimondo Catanzaro (1988) II delitto come impresa: storia sociale della mafia (Padua: Liviana Editrice); translated by Raymond Rosenthal as Men of Respecc: A Social History of the Sicilian Mafia (New York: Free Press, 1992), $22.95, hardback, ISBN 0‐02‐905325‐0.

Diego Gambetta (1992) La mafia siciliana: Una industria della protezione privata (Turin: Einaudi revised paperback edn, 1994); translated as The Sicilian Mafia: The Business of Private Protection (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1993), $39.95 hardback, ISBN 0‐674‐80741‐3.

Salvatore Lupo (1993) Storia della mafia dalle origini ai giorni nostri (Rome: Donzelli Editore).

Alexander Stille (1995) Excellent Cadavers: The Mafia and the Death of the First Italian Republic (New York: Pantheon), ISBN 0679425799.

Stephen Handelman (1995) Comrade Criminal: Russia's New Mafiya (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press), $27.50, hardback, ISBN 0‐300‐06352‐0.

Robert Putnam (1993) Making Democracy Work: Civic Traditions in Modern Italy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press), $39.95, hardback, $14.95, paperback, ISBN 0‐691‐03738‐8.     

中西封建君主制中的"法治"与"人治"

中西封建政治史上都存在着限制君权的传统。西欧盛行的是由日尔曼法、神法与封建法融合而成的“王在法下“的“法治“传统,在中国则表现为儒学的君主受制于“天“、“礼“的政治传统,但这类传统多流于理论或理想的层面。在中西君主制中,“谏议“虽有规范君权的效应,但最终并不能束缚君权,而君主以加冕誓词或“罪己诏“所作的政治承诺也是如此。从君权的实际运作来看,中西封建君主制都带有基本的“人治“特征。     

The Country,the City and the State in the Australian Settlement

The Australian Settlement, as formulated by Paul Kelly, had a sixth pillar: a settlement between the city and the country in which the state compensated people living in the country for the costs of remoteness and sparse settlement. This was underpinned by the reliance of Australian export performance on agriculture, by nation-building commitments to peopling the continent, and by agrarian beliefs in the virtues of country life. Australia's egalitarianism had a spatial and regional as well as a class dimension. Changes in Australia's economy, demography, and political culture have eroded these foundations, leaving rural Australia vulnerable to the neoliberal agenda. The dismantling of tariffs, the restructuring of agriculture, microeconomic reforms driven by National Competition Policy, and regional policy which stresses self-reliance, all treat rural Australia as a minor part of the nation rather than its economic and cultural foundation, and reject claims to special treatment. To give country Australia its own pillar makes visible the magnitude of the historic shifts which have taken place in the state's relationship to rural Australia since 1983 and brings it into the main frame for understanding Australia's abandonment of protective statism.