共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
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在东北解放战争的最初阶段,国共双方进入这个原本比较陌生的地区后,都面对许多复杂的未知数和变数,因而多次变更原有的决策和工作部署。共产党领导的军队先入东北,但处境仍十分艰难。国民党军队在进攻初期拥有显然优势。经过九个多月的反复较量和检验,共产党实行“让开大路,占领两厢”的方针,把工作重心放在放手发动群众、建立巩固的东北根据地上,终于站稳了脚跟,为下一阶段扭转整个东北局势奠定了基础。 相似文献
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Matthew McCormack 《Gender & history》2007,19(3):483-500
This article explores the role of gender in the debates around the creation of a ‘New Militia’ at the beginning of the Seven Years War. The humiliating military defeats of 1756 had precipitated a cultural crisis that focused upon gender distinctions, as the ‘effeminacy’ of men and the ‘boldness’ of women threatened to collapse the social order. In this context, militia service was presented as a cure for the nation's moral, social, political and sexual ills. This article therefore examines a range of textual and visual sources in order to suggest that certain mid‐Georgian political worldviews were fundamentally gendered, since they were predicated upon martial masculine virtues of the citizenry. 相似文献
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Ayşe Buğra 《Development and change》2020,51(2):442-462
This article approaches social policy as an integral component of a capitalist society and, by drawing on the notion of the double movement introduced by Karl Polanyi, argues that social policy intervention both limits and contributes to market expansion. While this argument could be generally applied to recent social policy changes in the current context of economic globalization, these changes were shaped against different histories of social policy development in early and late industrializing countries. This article examines the increasing importance of social policy in late industrializing countries by focusing on the case of Turkey. It is argued that social policy transformation in Turkey has involved the expansion of social security coverage along with the privatization and marketization of health and pension systems. A new system of labour market regulation has contributed to the commodification of labour while the ‘state-supported familialism’, which forms an important aspect of current trends in the area of social care, has served to integrate women in the prevailing flexible employment relations by simultaneously sustaining their position in the gender division of roles within traditional family relations. The populist strategy of polarization pursued by the ruling government is discussed to show how opposition to these trends toward privatization, marketization and labour commodification has been isolated. 相似文献
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Uzi Baram 《International Journal of Historical Archaeology》2011,15(2):236-253
The Venice Train Depot is a case study for an archaeology of transportation, an examination of new places and more rapid travels
over the modern period. The goal of this approach is to capture the dynamics of landscapes, agency, and movement. There have
been productive discussions of transportation networks and national integration; methodological discussions have noted the
need to account of the movement of things in the analysis of the material record. The case study exposes the dynamics of change
for the Florida frontier in the twentieth century focused on the construction of a railroad line and station in Venice, Florida. 相似文献
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After the German communist author Alfred Kantorowicz's breakwith Communism in 1957, he was lionized by his supporters asan icon of humanism and antifascism, and vilified by his formerallies as a turncoat and traitor. In his autobiographical writings,Kantorowicz portrayed himself as a victim of Stalinism, whohad always been opposed to the authoritarian and repressiveaspects of Communism. Again and again he returned to his timein the International Brigades as a way of illustrating bothhis commitment to antifascism and the betrayal of grassrootsCommunism by the party leadership. But contemporary recordsreveal a more ambiguous picture: not only was Kantorowicz along-time functionary, he was also more involved in the repressiveaspects of Communism than he later cared to admit. This articleargues that, like many ex-Communist biographies of the ColdWar, Kantorowicz's memoirs are shot through with retrospectiveself-justification. Given his post-1957 loathing for Communism,he needed to explain why he had joined the party in the firstplace, and then remained an active member for twenty-five years.By organizing his life around the dichotomies of footsoldiersand functionaries, antifascism and Stalinism, and censorshipand truth, Kantorowicz was able to avoid discussing his ownculpability as a Communist functionary. 相似文献