群众性阶级斗争的必然结果(下)——谈谈反右运动扩大化的问题

正右派戴帽过程的种种案例随着运动不断深入,"胜利"不断扩大,右派的人数也在节节攀升。如前文所说,就全国而言,1957年7月青岛会议前反右斗争取得"伟大胜利"时,揪出的右派分子应该不超过1万人。到10月八届三中全会反右斗争取得"决定性胜利"时,大约已有15万人。中小学在寒假期间的整风反右中,又增加了十几万人。这样,到1958年4月,毛泽东宣布的右派人数已达30万人[参见1958     

群众性阶级斗争的必然结果(中)——谈谈反右运动扩大化的问题

正八届三中全会提出的新任务按照中共中央的安排,反右斗争取得胜利的单位,随即转入整风和改进工作阶段。还规定县以下基层单位,特别是在工厂和农村,重点是整风,不搞反右运动。从原则上讲,反右主要是政治问题,要解决的是敌我矛盾,采取方式是     

整风是如何转为反右的

在谈及1957年整风反右运动时,有一个无法回避却又很难说清的问题:毛泽东为什么和什么时候决定"引蛇出洞"?是早有准备、精心策划的"阳谋",还是针对始料未及情况所作的应对?且看著名历史学家沈志华通过档案、报刊和当事者日记等史料,抽丝剥茧,逐步为您还原历史真相,讲述整风是如何转为反右的。     

紧箍中的回旋──当代杂文史钩沉

研究当代杂文史的著作,对于1957年6月至1960年期间的杂文变化,大都存而不论。因为这涉及到“反右扩大化”,涉及到总路线、大跃进和人民公社“三面红旗”,涉及到庐山会议“反右倾机会主义”等政治问题,也是给全国人民带来灾害的问题,存而不论,情有可原,杂文事小,人民的灾难事大,何必作不愉快的回顾,往前看就是了。 但是,“新基调”杂文的倡导者却不然,总也不想忘记这一阶段的战绩,怕被人埋没其功劳,所以老谈个没完。这就不能不认真对待了。评价一种文学形式发展变化的历史,总要从它的整体或主流同社会历史发展趋势的谐调与否为着眼点,而不能…     

姚文元任职《解放日报》二三事

正姚文元,1948年加入共产党。五十年代初期在上海市卢湾区团委、宣传部做宣传工作。他家藏书甚多,有条件博览群书。因给报刊写评论性文章,主要是杂文和文艺评论,逐渐崭露头角。1957年反右时,姚文元发表了一些反右派的杂文,有两篇引起毛泽东的注意。1957年2月6日,《文汇报》发表了姚文元的文章《教条和原则——与姚雪垠先生讨论》。     

解读《文汇报的资产阶级方向应当批判》

1957年7月1日,《人民日报》发表了由毛泽东撰写的题为《文汇报的资产阶级方向应当批判》的社论,为正在掀起的反右派斗争注入了更加猛烈的火力。这篇文章的信息量极大,可圈可点之处甚多,文中的一些观点、一些文字被众多论著反复引用,比如,著名的“阳谋”之说。因此,若要了解、研究整风与反右运动,不可不认真研读之。     

“阳谋”不是1957年才出现的

"阳谋"一词为世人所知,是在1957年的"反右"运动期间。1957年7月1日《人民日报》发表了毛泽东撰写的社论《文汇报的资产阶级方向应当批判》。此文对反"右派"斗争的基本策略作了说明,并称之为"阳谋":"在一个期间内不登或少登正面意见,对错误意见不作反批评,是错了吗?本报及一切党报,在五月八日至六月七日这     

五七风云：追求与打压

所谓“五七风云”是指1957年中共中央发动的全党整风运动和毛泽东发动的反右斗争。 它包括大鸣大放和反击右派两个阶段。这两阶段的主体和性质是大有区别的。     

中国民主党派的改造(中)

<正>"阳谋":整风·反右·"文革"1.建政后的中共党内分歧辉煌开国的荣耀渐渐淡化之后,毛泽东逐渐感到他"熟悉的东西"正在远去,而以往所不熟悉的经济工作,却有些插不上手,不像战争年代那样指挥自如。中共党内高层在过渡时期的建设方针上,一直存在不同观点。例如在提出过渡时期总路线时,毛泽东与刘少奇就发生分歧。薄一波在谈到这一分歧时曾说:"在农民问题上,毛主席强调组织起来,走合作化道路;少奇同志则认     

对“鲁迅如果活着会如何“的理解

最近看到两篇解释毛泽东和鲁迅关系的文章,一篇是张梦阳《毛泽东论鲁迅》,另一篇是蓝棣之《症候式分析:毛泽东心中的鲁迅是什么样》(何梦觉编《鲁迅档案:人与神》,中国工人出版社,2001年12月)。写这两篇文章的时候,两位作者还没有看到周海婴的回忆录,所以毛泽东1957年在上海对罗稷南所说的那段话,还没有     

全球化时代美国史的书写——托马斯·本德的跨国史研究

跨国史研究的知名学者托马斯·本德依据个人学术经历的发展逻辑,从理论构建和学术实践层面,探讨了全球化时代如何书写美国历史这一重要课题。在民族构建理论的基础上,本德重构民族国家及其历史,批评“美国例外论”,融合跨国视角与综合性叙事,提出比较、关联和语境化三种跨国史研究方法,撰写了《万国一邦》一书。面对学界的挑战与质疑,本德依然认为跨国史是一种未来可期的研究视角与路径,它丰富了长期主宰美国学界的民族国家史学的内涵。     

Curious Paradoxes: James Anthony Froude's View of the Bible

James Anthony Froude disapproved of the apologetic methods used by English Protestants in defending Christianity because he felt they did not answer the real questions. Nevertheless, he was disquieted by the rise of religious infidelity during the nineteenth century. Froude believed that heterodox clergymen deserved a hearing, but he also believed they had to be answered. He feared that simply using legal means to silence the doubters would strengthen infidel opinion, and drive young inquirers toward Rome or atheism. At a minimum, Froude himself wanted to believe the gospel history. While he could not believe much that was said in its defence, he was unhappy with much that was said against it. Froude suggested that the synoptic gospels might have been based on an early, authentic biography of Christ. He preferred this solution to assuming that the early church had been motivated by “passion or fraud or cowardice” in creating a fiction.     

République et démocratie de Montesquieu à Madison

Political theory has been for long committed to the idea that a republic is possible only in small states, where the diversity of interests is reduced to the point where it makes possible the formation of a genuine common interest. Montesquieu adheres to this thesis when he says that, far from looking for this chimerical common interest, modern politics must be an art of balancing particular interests. Madison answered this argument by showing how, on the contrary, a republic is possible in large states only; in such states, the variety of extant interests constrains each of them to look not for a compromise — which is impossible to find where the interests in play are so widely apart from each other — but for a genuine common interest transcending all particularities.     

'Half My Body Free,the Other Half Enslaved': The Politics of the Slaves of Guayaquil at the End of the Colonial Era

''I'm a slave, sir'', said Reyna Maria Luisa. ''Not anymore'', Bolivar said. ''Love has made you free''. In the morning he bought her from the owner of the hacienda for one hundred pesos taken from his impoverished treasury and granted her unconditional freedom. Before he left he could not resist the temptation of presenting her with a public dilemma. He was in the back patio of the house with a group of officers who sat any way they could on the backs of pack animals He asked Reyna Maria Luisa with good humor: ''Are you staying or coming with us?'' She answered with an enchanting smile: ''I'm staying, sir''. Unanimous laughter greeted her reply General Jose Antonio Paez, whose faunlike expression harmonized with his shirt patched in many colors, burst into expansive laughter. ''Now you see, General'', he said. ''This is what we get for acting like liberators''. Gabriel Garcia Marquez The General in His Labyrinth     

Explaining North Korea's Nuclear Ambitions: Power and Position on the Korean Peninsula

The USA has long called for the complete, verifiable and irreversible denuclearisation of North Korea. But is this a realistic policy option? In order to address this question, a broader question needs to be answered: What are the primary drivers of North Korea’s interest in nuclear weapons? Most answers to this question take one of two basic positions. ‘Doves’, on the one hand, see North Korea developing nuclear weapons because of the threatening foreign policies of the USA and South Korea. ‘Hawks’, on the other hand, see North Korean nuclear development as driven by factors internal to the North Korean regime, inherent in its personality. The author examines these two arguments against the evidence and finds them both wanting. In contrast, he puts forth an alternative argument focused on the power of the global hegemon, the USA, and its position on the Korean Peninsula. This power and positional alternative is shown to be better reflected in the evidence presented.     

李仲公其人其事

李仲公,贵阳人,早年毕业于京师国立法政专门学堂,1914年与李大钊一道留学日本早稻田大学,回国后任众议院首席秘书,参与《晨钟报》的创办,参加反袁、护法、护国运动。1924年在上海加入国民党。北伐战争初期,担任国民党中央执行委员会书记长、国民革命军总司令部秘书长处处长等职。南京国民政府成立后,担任国民政府交通部次长、军事委员会秘书处长、内政部禁烟委员会主任委员、立法院立法委员等职。中华人民共和国成立后,担任国务院参事、政协全国文史资料研究委员会委员等职。译著有《日本帝国主义的满蒙观与我们的驳议》、《烟禁问题》、《更生庐杂咏》等著作,系国民党军政要员中有名的诗人、书法家。     

试论朱元璋开发贵州的措施

洪武初年,朱元璋进兵贵州,在民族关系、文化教育、道路驿传建设、屯垦等方面措施得当有力,为平定云南和贵州建省夯实基础。     

略论李锡祺的古籍收藏与整理

李锡祺,贵州遵义人,一生酷爱书籍,凡访得好的古籍版本,便多方寻购,同时还对所获古籍,细心整理,精心校勘。现有部分古籍见藏于遵义市图书馆,成为该馆古籍藏书的重要组成部分,根据所藏古籍的质量、数量和整理、校勘工作,李锡祺可以称得上是一位藏书家。     

I.m. Sechenov: the patriarch of Russian physiology

Using quotations from Russian (e.g., Mechnikov and Pavlov) and western European (e.g., Ludwig) sources of his friends and colleagues, as well as from his autobiography, this paper describes the life and personality of Ivan Mikhailovich Sechenov (1829-1905), who became well known because of his central inhibition theory (1862). He trained in several European centers, including Vienna, were he worked with Carl Ludwig (1816-1895), with whom he corresponded for several decades.