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在1919~1928年的爱国运动中,面对异常耻辱的外侮,一些爱国者愤而自杀。他们痛感在外来侵略与压迫下,中国社会仍然四分五裂,抗议运动不能持久,痛感国人不团结、缺乏国家观念,故试图以自杀警醒同胞,使其以国家、民族利益为重,坚持对外抗争。其自杀作为一种积极主动的献身,作为激励国人对外抗争的策略与方式,具有利他主义自杀的特征。在如何报效国家的问题上,他们的认知有偏执之处。但他们对爱国运动存在问题的揭示,引起了媒体及运动组织者的重视。媒体对他们的自杀及遗书予以报道,称他们是殉国的烈士,赋予正面的社会意义与价值,在某种程度上是当时社会动员的需要。  相似文献   

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Over the years, a certain mantra has arisen in academic circles involving the post-World War II war crimes trials. Nuremberg, it is said, was a needed display of 'allied justice' and 'democratic fair play'. The Tokyo and Pacific region trials were exercises in 'victor's justice' and 'racism'. Accenting the determined, precedent-setting work of the Pacific Islands war crimes trials on Guam, 'Away from Tokyo' argues that justice was served well there. Evil should never go unpunished. Based on archival research at the Micronesian Area Research Center the US Territory of Guam, Stanford University and the Douglas MacArthur Memorial Archives, this paper examines the good work of both the prosecution and defence teams on Guam. Few trial participants viewed their efforts as part of a larger conspiracy of revenge and racism. In fact, that conspiracy never existed. 'Away from Tokyo' attempts to set the record straight, and re-examines some dramatic cases at the same time.  相似文献   

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Interwar Britain witnessed the rapid rise of road transportas a serious competitor to the railways. This article examinesroad–rail competition for freight traffic. It demonstratesthat, contrary to previous accounts—which have been highlycritical of the railway companies—their failure to preventrapid loss of traffic to the roads was the inevitable consequenceof the regulatory framework under which the railways had beenreturned to private control in 1921. Given the constraints imposedby this framework, price competition with road hauliers wouldhave further depressed railway company profits. Railway policythus concentrated on pressing for a revision of the legislativeframework governing road–rail competition.  相似文献   

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Abstract. Beginning in the mid‐1950s Sri Lanka's politicians from the majority Sinhalese community resorted to ethnic outbidding as a means to attain power and in doing so systematically marginalised the country's minority Tamils. This article consequently argues that institutional decay, which was produced by the dialectic between majority rule and ethnic outbidding, was what led to Tamil mobilisation and an ethnic conflict that has killed nearly 70,000 people over the past twenty years. It also analyses the influence informal societal pressures exerted on formal state institutions and how this contributed to institutional decay. Evaluating the relations that ensued between social organisations and the Sri Lankan state shows how institutions can prescribe actions and fashion motives even as it will make clear how the island's varied institutions generated a deadly political dynamic that eventually unleashed the ongoing civil war.  相似文献   

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公共文化服务体系与博物馆免费开放   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
博物馆的公益性和开放性,决定了它是公共文化服务体系的重要组成部分。免费开放以来,我国博物馆的基础设施、陈列展览、服务意识等方面大幅提升,博物馆评估定级使博物馆运行管理得到加强。面对当前发展中存在的问题,博物馆应坚持公益性性质,深化免费开放,提升陈列展览水平,拓展文化影响力,做好文化产品开发,加强人才队伍建设,推进体制机制改革,从而得到新的提升,成为促进社会和谐发展的重要力量。  相似文献   

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理想与利益--浙江省宪自治运动新探   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
1919-1926年的浙江省宪自治运动,是民初中国联省自治浪潮中的一个重要组成部分。它在省内外多种因素的推动下而发生,并在运动中先后产生了三种不同的省宪:九九省宪、三色宪法、浙江省自治法。省宪的条体现了当时人们的许多自治理想,但运动参与动机各异使之自始便存在着严重分歧,省宪理想成为他们追求不同利益目标的工具。运动断断续续的进行伴随着各方势力激烈的冲突,亦折射出浙省多重的地方政治权力结构。运动的无果而终,并非简单由于“军阀扼杀自治”。  相似文献   

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This article analyses the way in which Germany's participation in the international intervention in Afghanistan has shaped and transformed the country's politics of defence and deriving policies. It argues that in the wake of operational challenges posed by the insurgency in northern Afghanistan since 2007, and in particular the increasing rate of German combat fatalities, established post‐Cold War dogmas of German politics are becoming subject to erosion. Developments in the Kunduz region of northern Afghanistan, with the tanker bombing of 4 September 2009 as its apex, have had a catalyst function in this process. In particular, strategic, operational and tactical requirements for counterinsurgency operations have had significant politico‐strategic repercussions for the country's defence and security policy more generally. As a result, in recent years the Bundeswehr has begun to undergo a far‐reaching structural process of military adaptation and innovation. The article explains and analyses this phenomenon of political change and military learning in the context of political paralysis.  相似文献   

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