明代南京的守备太监

<正>永乐十八年(1420)明朝迁都北京后,南京成为留都,明代统治者视南京为祖宗根本之地,留下一套完整的中央政府机构,其中起核心作用的是南京守备官员,包括由内臣担任内守备,勋臣担任的外守备,文臣担任的参赞机务,共同负责南京的安全。内守备通常称为守备太监。《仁宗实录》记载:永乐二十二年(1424)"命太监王     

明代南京守备体制人员任职研究

在留都南京保留一套相对完整的中央政权机构,并且以守备武臣、太监、参赞文臣组成的守备体制加以统领,是明代政治的一大特色,也与明朝大区域控制体制相一致。其人员任职情况,非常明显地反映了明朝统治的两大特征,一是"家天下",二是大区域控制体制内的权力制衡。在南京守备体制中,守备人选集中在功臣世家,尤其集中在开国功臣第一国戚魏国公家,反映了明朝皇权对功臣的倚重及其"家天下"特点。但功臣充任守备时的职权却是任期制的,与其世袭功臣身份相对分离,同时受到守备太监和参赞文臣的制约。明朝太监在文化教育上受过朝廷体制化训练,且经历过阉割奴化,可以很好地充当皇权耳目。参赞文臣出身科举,其权力受到儒家伦理和官僚制的双重引导和规约。总之,南京守备体制内部权力制衡体现在人员任用上就是以任期制制约世袭制和终身制,并且利用文臣、武臣、内臣(宦官)三者不同的政治位格形成复杂的交叉制约。     

郑和在南京的官署——内守备厅与内官监

明朝建国之初定都南京,时封建王朝的五府、六部等国家政治机构齐集南京,但仅仅五十多年后,随着明成祖于永乐十九年（1421年）迁都北京,南京又一次从首都的地位上滑落下来。但与以往不同的是,永乐迁都北京后,南京作为明王朝的留都,成为仅次于北京的政治中心,诚如《万历应天府志》殷迈序称,明成祖“虽移都北平,而二京并建,比于丰、镐,其重如此。”是以迁都之初,明王朝皆以太子坐镇南京,如永乐后期太子朱高炽、洪熙年间时太子朱瞻基,皆是。在留都,明王朝仍然保留了五府、六部等军政机构,设有南京守备,官绅众多。     

马王堆汉墓出土的守备图探讨

1973年12月,长沙马王堆三号汉墓出土三幅绘在绢帛上的地图,其中一幅是标有军事情况的地形图。经过国家文物管理机关及有关部门的精心修复和整理,这幅图已经基本复原。它反映了汉初长沙诸侯国军队守备作战的兵力部署情况,属于军事要图,可称为"守备图"。这是一份珍贵的军事历史资料,对于研究我国古代军事思想,尤其是西汉时期的作战思想,有着重要的参考价值。     

《明史·职官志》“湖广承天府守备”辨误

《明史·职官志》关于湖广承天府守备的介绍仅有22字,但其可商榷之处甚多。除了中华书局点校本的标点错误外,其文字上也有明显的讹误。从名称上看,“湖广承天府守备”这一名称还有以后出之地名冠以先有之官职的缺憾。从内容上看,《明史·职官志》更有以偏概全之嫌疑。由此可见,《明史·职官志》的编纂者们对明代宦官史料的收集与考证相对缺乏。     

“守备顽强，支援迅速”的东山保卫战

<正>1953年7月发生在福建沿海的东山保卫战,是国民党败退台湾后对大陆开展的最大一次军事袭扰,也是人民解放军建军以来最大规模的一次抗登陆作战。东山保卫战中,面对十倍于我的敌军突然进犯,守岛部队从实际出发,迅速调整防御方案,采取固守待援的战略战术,顽强坚守,同增援部队配合,痛击来犯之敌,赢得最后胜利。毛泽东曾高度评价东山岛保卫战的打法：“守备顽强,支援迅速”。未雨绸缪,巩固海防加强战备新中国成立后,不甘心败退台湾的国民党军频繁对闽浙沿海骚扰,福建沿海局势空前紧张。1950年5月12日东山岛解放后,次月朝鲜内战爆发,美国出兵朝鲜的同时,派第七舰队进驻台湾海峡,武力阻止我军解放台湾。     

明代南京参赞机务职掌浅探——以明初黄福任职期间为主的考察

参赞机务文臣,在明代北京以外若干地区起过重要作用。其中,南京参赞机务尤其如此。南京参赞机务治理南京地区,在一定程度上关系着东南地区的稳定。南京参赞机务设立后,与南京内、外守备一道成为南京的三位重要管理大臣。黄福为首位担任此职的官员,其名望及资历高深。他任南京参赞机务期间的表现,值得肯定,为后任奠定了较好基础。     

南宋建康城居住空间布局研究

建康城是南宋时期的留都,城市地位仅次于京师临安,对其空间布局进行研究可以为城市发展提供稀缺资源和文化启迪。南宋建康城内的居住空间存在一个由区域中心出现——新街道出现(表现为新的街道名出现)——新坊设立(表现为新的坊名的出现)的过程,这一现象深刻的反映了当时城市经济及其文化内涵的变迁。     

从《江南经略》看明后期抗倭中的江防

明郑若曾的《江南经略》因抗倭而作,以苏松常镇四府为重点。总结了以拱护留都为重、江陆联属为一、崇明设险协守、严防江北的江防策略。明代中后期抗倭由海防至江防,这一思想的转变与一切以拱护留都为重的宗旨,体现其一路退守自保的倾向,体现国势的低靡,也证明了《江南经略》的实战性。     

蒲松龄妙批

蒲松龄曾给胡守备当过塾师,教他的一个冥顽不灵的儿子。胡守备是一介武夫,文才很浅,但望子成龙心切。看到蒲松龄批改作业时,评语不多,就怨老师教学无方。蒲松龄见胡守备如此态度,又不能说昧心话,只好借用诗句,隐藏批评。他的儿子有一篇文章错别字太多,蒲松龄挥笔写了句批语：“唯解漫天作雪飞”（意思是白字连篇）。还有一篇字迹模糊不清,蒲松龄实在看不下去了,就批了一句：“草色遥看近却无”（指一片模糊）。     

AQAL Integral: a holistic framework for pedagogic research

AQAL is a methodology for the holistic mapping of multiple perspectives and worldviews. Developed by Ken Wilber and colleagues, AQAL Integral analysis is founded in AQ quadrant mapping, which assesses four viewpoints for every situation. These are the Interior Subjective intentional (I) perspective, the Interior Collective cultural (We) perspective, the Exterior Individual (It, she/he) behavioural perspective and the Exterior Collective (They, many, its) social perspective. Each AQ map may be further elaborated as part of a many-layered system. AQAL Integral has a small but growing footprint in Education and, independently, in Geography – especially Urban Studies and GIS.     

汤都偃师新考——兼说“景亳”、“郼薄”(郑亳)及“西亳”之别

偃师商城是商汤立国后所建首都 ,亦即古文献所说西亳偃师 ,上世纪 80年代偃师商城遗址的发掘为之提供了佐证 ,《吕氏春秋·慎大》篇也为汤建西亳提供了远早于《汉书·地理志》的证据。从殷墟卜辞及古文献记载的资料看 ,郑州商城遗址的郑亳只是商汤建国之前的“韦阝薄”,是商代陪都兼军事重镇 ,至仲丁时代始迁居此地为都     

徽州旅沪同乡会与社会变迁(1923—1953)

1902年上海商业会议公所建立,同年首个旅沪同乡会诞生。同乡会是旧式会馆的延续,是在新式与旧式商人、士绅与新知识阶层、男性与女性、资方与劳工等更广泛参与下建立起来的地缘性自治组织,与商会功能互补。徽州旅沪同乡会从20世纪20年代初建立到1953年消亡,经历了延续到断裂、再延续、最终断裂的过程。太平洋战争爆发后,徽州旅沪同乡会纷纷停止会务。抗战胜利后,同乡会的社团自治功能及上海的市民公共空间得以延续。第二次国内战争后期,经济凋疲,社会动荡,同乡会又陷入困境,乃至1953年最终消亡。解读同乡会延续与断裂的历史,为观察这个时代的变迁提供了特有视角。     

虞舜的王都与帝都

虞舜是我国历史上著名的“五帝”之一。他曾先后建都于蒲坂和平阳,这是两种不同性质的国都,蒲坂为有虞氏古国的王都,平阳则是华夏联盟的帝都。平阳城为尧所筑,虞舜继尧为华夏盟主后,由蒲坂而徙都平阳。考古发现的陶寺城址,规模巨大,布局合理,从其时代和地望来看,很可能就是尧、舜建都的平阳所在。     

旅游地文化变迁的影响机理研究:武夷山茶文化案例

本文选取武夷山茶文化为研究样本,借助质性访谈对旅游地文化变迁的影响因素进行探索性认知.结果表明:旅游地文化变迁的主要影响因素是文化因素、社会因素、市场因素和资本因素.本文根据影响因子的量化研究,把旅游地文化变迁的影响机理概括为:文化内驱力、社会推动力、市场调控力和资本外驱力合力驱动的结果.     

Ideology,clientelism and the ‘fascistization’ of the Italian state: fascists in the Interior Ministry police

Abstract

This is a study of fascist police personnel under Mussolini's dictatorship. Based on an examination of the personal files of the Interior Ministry police, the article questions how far the recruitment and/or promotion during the mid-to-late 1920s of fascist police officers and officials, several of whom had been involved in the black-shirt movement before the March on Rome, represented an effective ‘fascistization’ strategy. If their presence led to a ‘fascistization’ of the police of sorts, they generally distinguished themselves neither as ‘good’ policemen nor as ‘good’ fascists. The professional attitudes and ideological outlooks of fascist policemen should be considered in the broader context of clientelism and factionalism which characterized public life in Italy and which played a key role in career advancement in the state.     

Grafts: Feminist cultural criticism

This article provides information about Berne's financial situation at the time the Economic Society was founded. The canton was in an exceptionally fortunate position, having accumulated a sizeable cash reserve that was in part used for loans and investments on the London capital market. Throughout the century, the Bernese government followed a very cautious investment strategy. The main reason for purchasing overseas securities was that they helped the patricians to become independent from tax-paying subjects. Economic imperatives ruled out increases of the cash reserve or further involvement in the overcrowded domestic capital market. However, by investing abroad Berne became increasingly dependent on the goodwill of its debtors, for which it was criticised by the Economic Patriots amongst others.     

State investment in eighteenth-century Berne

This article provides information about Berne's financial situation at the time the Economic Society was founded. The canton was in an exceptionally fortunate position, having accumulated a sizeable cash reserve that was in part used for loans and investments on the London capital market. Throughout the century, the Bernese government followed a very cautious investment strategy. The main reason for purchasing overseas securities was that they helped the patricians to become independent from tax-paying subjects. Economic imperatives ruled out increases of the cash reserve or further involvement in the overcrowded domestic capital market. However, by investing abroad Berne became increasingly dependent on the goodwill of its debtors, for which it was criticised by the Economic Patriots amongst others.     

“长于姜水”、“都陈”与“葬于长沙”——炎帝传说流衍途径考察

在炎帝传说流衍的过程中,逐渐形成其"长于姜水"、"都陈"与"葬于长沙"的说法。诸说之间似乎缺乏必然的联系,但均有历史与文化的渊源。早在先秦时期,炎帝传说在东、西方流传之时,亦有缘起于南方说流行。随着东汉后期"三皇五帝"系统整合工作的完成,以及魏晋时期以现实生活中的帝王为标准,对传说中古帝王的生平事迹、都城、陵墓所在等关键环节的再次整合,尽管依旧保留着相当浓郁的传说色彩,然而炎帝的人格化倾向却日益凸现,这是古代帝王传说演变过程中一个值得关注的历史文化现象。"姜水"、"陈"与"长沙",似乎可以被理解为炎帝传说流衍过程中三个重要的地理标志,各地不同的炎帝传说借此得以整合,最终形成一个与黄帝并称的华夏民族始祖形象。     

The Recall of Edmond Charles Genet: A Study in Transatlantic Politics and Diplomacy

Edmond Charles Genet's brief but tumultuous diplomatic mission to the United States in 1793 has been a frequently studied episode in American history. American historians have established its origins in a specific phase of Girondin revolutionary diplomacy, described its impact on the development of American neutrality and American attitudes toward the French Revolution, and delineated its catalytic effect on the formation of the first American party system. But they have not satisfactorily explained the dynamic interaction between the climactic events of this episode—the Washington administration's decision to demand Genet's recall less than three months after he arrived in the nation's capital as the French Republic's first minister to the United States and the French government's ready acquiescence in the matter. While correctly pointing out that the root cause of the demand for Genet's recall was his pointed defiance of American neutrality policy, American scholars have misconstrued the divisions among President Washington and his cabinet officers that shaped this decision and been too ready to account for French acceptance of it as a simple function of the shift in power from the Girondins to the Jacobins and the beleaguered French Republic's need for friendly relations with the United States.¹