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1.
洪亮吉十四岁学习写作八股文,开始科名之争。在科举之路上跌打滚爬了三十多年,四十五岁成进士,两年后充顺天乡试同考官,四十八岁奉命视学贵州。从其考生、考官、学政的经历可以管窥乾嘉年间科场实况,这对于研究乾嘉年间的科举制度有很大的认知价值,亦有助于了解当时的士子心态与社会风气。  相似文献   

2.
洪亮吉,江苏常州人,生于乾隆十一年(1746年),卒于嘉庆十四年(1809年),字君直,又字稚存,号北江,晚号更生。乾隆五十五年以一甲第二名进士及第,曾任编修、贵州学政等职。洪亮吉一生坎坷.在嘉庆四年曾因上书言事被遣戍到新疆伊犁,这次经历使洪亮吉声名远播,也使他在诗文创作上达到了顶峰,他讴歌边疆的诗文得到了诸多学者的赞扬.  相似文献   

3.
洪亮吉(1746—1809年),字君直,一字稚存,号北江,晚号更生,江苏阳湖(今武进县)人。乾隆五十五年中进士,授翰林院编修,旋充国史馆纂修,后出任贵州学政。嘉庆时,洪亮吉参与编纂乾隆实录,史称:“君修史,依古法,务简质,与诸巨公议多不合”,又因上书言事,触犯权贵,被发配伊犁,释归后不复出仕,杜门著述。洪亮吉是乾嘉时代的著名学者,他博览群籍,知识渊广,一生著述宏富,于历史地理造诣尤深,编撰有《春秋左氏诂》、《三国疆域志》、《东晋疆域志》、《十六国疆域志》等书,均为乾嘉时期历史地理学的杰作。洪亮吉对我国方志编纂事业作出了很大贡献,一生纂修了十余部方志,其中象《淳化县志》、《泾县志》等各具特色,受人推崇。因此,研究剖析洪亮吉的方志学思想,对于我们今天批判地继承古代的方志学遗产,建立马克思主义的方志学,无疑是有益的。  相似文献   

4.
洪亮吉,生于乾隆十一年(1746),卒于嘉庆十四年(1809),字君直,又字雅存,号北江,江苏常州府阳湖县(今武进县)人,清乾嘉年间的经学家、文学家,也是一位杰出的无神论思想家.洪亮吉通经史、音韵,工诗文,尤长地理之学,一生著作颇富,有《洪北江全集》(收入《四部丛刊》传世.《意言》二十篇,是他的主要哲学和无神论论著,对当时盛行的鬼神迷信和佛道神学进行了坚决的批判.一、天地无神 百物自生“山川社稷风云雷雨皆有神乎?”洪亮吉断然回答:“无也”.那么为什么人们又说有神呢?那是因为“山川社稷风云雷雨之神,林林总总,皆敬而畏之.是山川社稷风云雷雨之神,即生于林林总总之心而已.”人们对山川大地的伟大力量缺乏了解,无法抵抗,对风雨雷电等自然现象感到神秘莫测,无  相似文献   

5.
上海市文物保管委员会尹同志寄示乾嘉诸儒手札墨迹,中有洪亮吉与秋塍明府一札,有月无年,试释其时地人事如下:"秋塍"者王复,浙江秀水人,壬又曾之子。初客陕抚毕沅幕,与北江订交,毕移抚汴,随往河南,历任临漳、武陟、偃师诸  相似文献   

6.
鲍永军 《古今谈》2001,(1):17-18
汪辉祖(1731—1807),字焕曾,号龙庄,晚号归庐,浙江萧山人。他是清乾嘉年间誉满全国的幕学家、刑名师爷,又是声名远扬的清官良吏,同时又是清代名学,在学术上卓有建树。洪亮吉评价其一生:“入幕为名流,服官为循吏,归里后又为醇儒”,“亦可为完人矣”。现代名学胡适盛赞:“汪辉祖这个人了不起”,陈垣、梁启超、吴晗等人对其学术成就亦颇推崇。  相似文献   

7.
清代常州因学问、诗文方面的投合,以及血缘、家学、师承、姻亲的联系等形成有地域意义的文化格局,加之强烈的经世意识和政治意识,涌现出以洪亮吉、李兆洛、孙星衍为代表的一大批方志名家,他们对志书编纂体例、内容详略、编修方法都有一定的思考,使清代常州方志发展达到一个新的顶峰。  相似文献   

8.
清代乾嘉时期,考史学家钱大昕、王鸣盛、赵翼、洪亮吉、牛运震等均撰写了考评历代史书的专著,旨在对前代史书作彻底的清理与审查。其重点之一是批评史书叙事的真实、准确与可信问题。他们秉承史以纪实的治史理念,总结了前人作史的几大误区。乾嘉考史学家指摘史书中的不实与失检之处,揭露史书的曲笔和回护,强调直书的技巧性。他们主张据事直书以示褒贬,反对由于模仿《春秋》笔法导致叙事的失真或历史理解的歧异,这反映了乾嘉史学的客观主义特点和征实精神。钱大昕等人批评史书的瑕疵,其最终目的是要指其瑕,益以见其美。他们不仅在具体的考论成果上,而且在史学批评的思想认识上也留下了丰富的史学遗产。  相似文献   

9.
赵翼的自寿诗不仅丰富内容,而且功能多样,它为我们展示出诗人生命之旅、人生理想的样态以及曲折的心路历程。这类诗歌具有真实性、议论性、历史性与学术性等特点。赵翼对自寿诗的功能开拓甚广,而其特征的形成是诗人多重身份、卓荦个性以及乾嘉年间特殊的学术语境共同作用的结果。全面审视赵翼的自寿诗,对于了解、把握自寿诗以及对其进行深入的探讨皆有助益,同时这对寻绎乾嘉考据之风、常州地域诗风乃至赵翼人生经历与其诗歌风格之关系都将提供极佳"类"证。  相似文献   

10.
1 清代乾嘉时著名学者洪亮吉把我国的藏书家分为五类,即考订家、校讐家、收藏家、赏鉴家和掠贩家。叶德辉则以为考订与校讐实是二而一,应该统称之为著述家;若专以善本为祖本,重行刊印流传,则当称为校刊家。但亦有考订、校讐、收藏和鉴赏兼而有之的学者,叶氏举出如毕秋帆的经训堂、孙渊如的平津馆、马嶰谷、半搓弟兄的玲珑山馆等均属此类。咸、同时期,贵州独山莫友芝氏的影山草堂藏书,亦颇著名·友芝的资力及其刊行的书籍数量,固比不上以上诸家,但友芝的学养渊博  相似文献   

11.
吴淑鈿 《中华文史论丛》2012,(2):231-254,398
南宋詩人楊萬里的詩歌創作甚豐而風格別樹一幟,他受到同代人賞識,卻不見重於元明兩代,到清代更是屢受惡評。在當時詩學的唐宋詩之爭中,誠齋詩往往不容於雙方。直至清末,纔受到同光詩人的推尊。本文通過梳理清代誠齋詩在唐宋詩之爭中的各期發展,最後聚焦到同光詩人的誠齋詩觀,指出夏敬觀是清代第一個全面肯定誠齋詩的學者,楊萬里的詩史地位最終因同光派而得以確立。  相似文献   

12.
Recent scholarship has delved into the impact of newspaper press upon Crimean War poetry and highlighted the challenges of war representation facing non-combatant poets. The Crimean conflict (1854–56), this essay will show, was not only a ‘media war’ but also a ‘literary’ one, during which mid-Victorian commentators and poets consciously reworked an array of established traditions of war poetry, especially those of Tyrtaeus, the Greek martial poet of the seventh century, to negotiate the duties and artistic endeavours of the civilian poet. Tracing the construction of a ‘Tyrtaean’ tradition from the Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars (1793–1815), it explores how a Romantic reworking of Tyrtaeus’ war songs served as a precedent for the civilian poets of the Crimean conflict, and how newspaper reports of the suffering of soldiers intensified a widespread scepticism of the civilian’s knowledge and bodily experience of war, which in turn instigated a reconfiguration of the ‘Tyrtaean’ poet. It argues that whilst the poetic efforts of Tom Taylor, Louisa Shore, and Alfred Tennyson to refashion the figure of the civilian manifest Crimean War poets’ anxiety about their non-combatant status and the use of poetry, they evacuated the ‘Tyrtaean mode’, a poetic mode intended to arouse people’s patriotic sentiment and exhort them to military action, forging a new image of war poet within their work marked by the civilian’s detachment from the spectacle of war and critical engagement with distant suffering.  相似文献   

13.
钱仲联先生的诗学研究取向,始终以儒家经学传统为参照,其评价清代贵州郑珍诗歌,以“王气在夜郎”一语概言,既包含了有清一代“诗学”中心西移的客观信息,透露了清代诗歌历史的盛衰状况,亦强调了诗人的“学问”功底及作为诗人的经世致用功夫。在清代诗学“汉宋之争”与“宗唐崇宋”风气合融的道路上,钱氏以为惟郑珍独具“王者气象”。其核心在于文学经学化最高“体用”追求的张扬与发挥。  相似文献   

14.
余敏辉  孙建美 《安徽史学》2011,(6):82-85,108
俞正燮是清代一位称得上考据大师级的著名学者。他在女性人物考据方面,不仅擅长归纳演绎,重视文献佐证,精于情理推断,考据方法科学理性,而且以考据经世,立意高远,胆识过人,形式多样,考据特点十分突出。  相似文献   

15.
Abstract

This essay examines the treatment of the 1916 Easter Rising by Scottish Gaelic poet Sorley MacLean. From his early work onwards, the Rising assumes a mythical significance in MacLean’s poetry. Throughout, this aetheistic, socialist poet uses rhetoric borrowed from the Gaelic Christian tradition to present the rebels of 1916 as exemplary secular martyrs. James Connolly plays a crucial role as the Scottish son of Irish immigrants. MacLean’s later praise poem for Connolly, “Àrd-Mhusaeum na h-Èireann”, deploys biblical rhetoric to present the Rising as an act of ritual sacrifice, recalling Patrick Pearse’s “Fornocht do Chonaic Thu”. MacLean’s valorisation of violence takes place against the backdrop of the modern Troubles, and prompts a reassessment of the political legacy of his poetry.  相似文献   

16.
A prominent feature of the poetry of Franco-Burgundian poet and rhetorician Jean Lemaire de Belges (1473–1524) is his use of a rhetorical mask—a persona—through which to proffer his utterances and assert his identity. Because the early sixteenth-century court poet's financially and politically subservient position vis-à-vis powerful aristocratic patrons demands an encomiastic rhetoric that leaves little room for the poet's self-assertion within the body of the poetic text, Lemaire must employ the indirect means of a narrative mask to assert his own existence and concerns. This article examines first the narrative mask of the parrot-lover in the 1505 Epîtres de l’Amant Vert, through which Lemaire is able to voice concerns about his precarious position as a writer almost entirely at the mercy of his patron's good health and good will. A discussion of “Les Regretz de la Dame Infortunée” (1506) follows, in which Lemaire takes an intriguing narratological stance that unites his voice to that of his patroness, Margaret of Austria (1480–1530), ultimately forging an authorial je that speaks for both poet and patron. This nearly mystical union of narrative voices allows Lemaire to express his own concerns about the volatility of the patronage system while concomitantly giving voice to Margaret's mourning at the death of her brother, Philip the Handsome (1478–1506).  相似文献   

17.
郑珍是清道、咸年间著名学者,他的诗歌是典型的学人之诗,大量征引经学、史学、小学、考据等专门之学入诗,体现出与诗人之诗迥然不同的学理之美。回避或忽略最能体现郑珍学人之诗特征的学问诗,就很难对他的诗歌做出全面允当的评价。  相似文献   

18.
南宋学者洪迈纂有《史记法语》一书,专辑《史记》中的嘉言美句成编,而其所著《容斋随笔》中有数十则关于《史记》的评论,涉及对《史记》所述史事的评论和对于《史记》本身的批评,其中亦多关于文字表述者。而《容斋随笔》的有关评论正是有《史记法语》作为基础。洪迈在研究《史记》文字表述上,所论深刻,并具有鲜明的审美色彩,对后世《史记》研究领域的拓展有很大影响。  相似文献   

19.
Abstract

Dionysios Solomos is a poet of contradictions. The fact is not often admitted either by his supporters or his occasional detractors. But there is a puzzling ambiguity about the poet which is only exacerbated by the labels that have been tied round his neck. Solomos, we are told, is one of the European Romantics, he is the father of modern Greek poetry, an epic poet manqué.  相似文献   

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