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1.
张榕蓉 《黑龙江史志》2013,(13):149-150
在男权社会中,女子本是依附所在,但正史中却为部分女子集中做了传,虽然最终目的还是为男权社会服务,但是依然说明了女性的某方面光辉还是不容掩盖的。然而各个朝代的正史中的列女传在选择列女方面所依据的原则确并非一成不变,所列举列女的类型其总的趋势是从宽泛变狭窄。现从《晋书?列女传》与《宋史?列女传》来比较两者列女传从而探究其不同的女性观。  相似文献   

2.
近年来,随着一些犍陀罗语、梵语《贤劫经》残片的发现及学者们的研究,已大致梳理出《贤劫经》发展与译传历程。与文本的译传相对应,与贤劫信仰相关的千佛图像也在丝绸之路沿线佛教遗迹中大量出现。文章以犍陀罗、于阗和河西地区为节点,围绕《贤劫经》的产生与译传对丝绸之路沿线的千佛图像进行梳理与探讨,勾勒出贤劫信仰与千佛图像流传的时间线索与传播路线,并认为千佛图像是在文本译传之基础上,结合不同地域流行的佛教建筑结构与宗教实践,在图像组合与布局上进行的探索与创新。《贤劫经》的译传与千佛图像流行对大乘佛教在丝绸之路的传播具有推波助澜的重要作用。  相似文献   

3.
唐宋社会有所区别。经过五代十国之分裂,宋重新统一国家,需重建社会道德体系,在对妇女的规定方面树立了列女形象。两《唐书·列女传》与《宋史·列女传》中列女的不同体现在“取材数量”、“选择标准”、“命运”兰方面。  相似文献   

4.
韩明 《民俗研究》2020,(4):96-104
作为礼仪图像的一种类型,鲁西南地区木版套色年画《单钱灶》是一个由信俗、礼俗和审美三重维度建构起来的"精神结构体",该类灶王图在民俗语境中承载了"九世共爨"和"天缘配"等民众的朴素价值观念。在礼俗实践中,供奉者借助图像媒介与神灵之间通过膜拜、观视行为完成精神的"对话",图像的信仰功能、礼俗意义与审美价值在致祭过程中得以横向展开,有效带动并持续激活文化记忆代代绵延赓续。从图像释读与礼俗实践视角出发,对《单钱灶》图像相关口头记忆、礼俗实践、历史文本与图像本体关系进行梳理,能够有效阐释根植于民俗社会的礼仪图像所依赖的民俗语境与礼俗传统。  相似文献   

5.
在历代传世地图中,最早的长城图像见于南宋的《华夷图》。自宋元之后,长城图像在史地图籍尤其是长城地带的省区通志和区域志书中,一直是一个不可或缺的人文地理要素。稽考明清各种典志图籍中的长城图像,并与相关的文献记载相互印证,对于我们探讨长城地带不同族群的互动与交流,将提供更加多元的观察视角。  相似文献   

6.
敦煌的《法华经》图像选择表现内容时并不局限于《法华经》经文本,而是在对《法华经》内容及其表达的思想主题的充分理解与把握的前提下,采取了灵活的处理方式。在《法华经变》尚未出现的北朝时期中,这种"灵活性"主要表现为以"释迦、多宝并坐说图"与出自《大般涅槃经》等其它佛经的故事画的组合来表现《法华经》的主要思想;自隋代开始,这种灵活性主要体现在三个方面:一是在《法华经变》画面中引入和移植其他经典如《大般涅槃经》的内容,二是在《法华经变》中表现某一品的内容情节时借用该经其它品目的内容,三是在《法华经变》中表现不同品目的画面之间有相互穿插和混同的情形。此文对这种灵活性处理方式的意图做了初步探讨,认为这也是《法华经》及其信仰在敦煌本地传播过程中的进一步丰富和发展。  相似文献   

7.
在《春秋繁露》所收与"五行"相关的九篇文本中,除《五行相生》《五行相胜》基本可定为董仲舒所作,《五行变救》尚难考定以外,其他六篇都不同程度地与《管子·四时》《淮南子·时则训》《淮南子·天文训》、董仲舒《孝经解》以及时代晚于董氏的刘向《洪范五行传论》等存在互见关系。通过对这些互见文本的比读,可发现《春秋繁露》"五行"诸篇包括董子原作、后人续作及二次续作三个层面,展现了后儒将董子"五行"生胜思想与秦汉时月令思想、《洪范》五行学乃至《孝经》学思想进行融合,构建新的"五行"学体系的尝试。这些衍生文本来源驳杂,常无法消除多源论述逻辑之间的抵牾,显露出"文本嫁接"的痕迹,其文本生成方式在早期著述传统中具有代表性,值得研究者关注。  相似文献   

8.
在俄罗斯艾米塔什博物馆收藏的黑城出土西夏佛教艺术品中,有两件水月观音图像,最近在其展览图册《ПЕЩЕРЫТЫСЯЧИБУДД》中予以刊布。这两幅水月观音图,与榆林窟、东千佛洞绘制之水月观音像风格同出一辙,区别主要是在配图上。在X-2439号配图中有一幅乐舞图,经过对图像中人物、乐器、舞蹈内容的研究,这是西夏时期的乐舞图像,也是目前仅存的西夏乐舞图像。  相似文献   

9.
康熙《皇舆全览图》系清初官方主导实测的经纬度地图,对清代直至民国初期地图的绘制产生深远影响。对其数字化可为自然、人文要素变迁研究提供这一时间断面具有相对准确位置的地理数据,这对自然要素的变迁研究尤为重要。以图中广东地区为例,采用不同的地图配准方法,结合历史文献,分析《乾隆十三排图》对康熙《皇舆全览图》的继承与发展,并与之前有关广西的数字化研究作比较。研究发现《乾隆十三排图》以康熙《皇舆全览图》为基础,使用相同的坐标系,但是两个地区坐标系的偏移程度不同,主要与地理配准方式有关;图面内容的承继也有差异,这与清初对两个地区开发程度有关。  相似文献   

10.
通过《系年》与《左传》相关内容的比对,《左传》的编纂者对所据史料应当运用了如下两种编纂方式:在组织层面,重组材料,随经隶事,比年排列,通过割裂、整合等方式将史料重组以安排到《春秋》的叙事框架中去;在文本层面,援经造传,根据《春秋》经文内容与规则对原始材料进行补充、改造,模仿《春秋》经文,以追求与《春秋》价值观的同一。如果对《系年》各章与《左传》之间文本进行全面详细的比对,可以发现两者之间不存在整体的单线的承继关系。结合出土文献与传世文献,在《左传》与《系年》文本形成的时期,当时社会上应流传有大量的、不见于今日的历史记述。《左传》与《系年》文本的形成正是这些历史记述在不同时空维度下流转的结果,同时它们文本本身也可能成为了传播链上的一环。因此,《左传》与《系年》间的关系更类似于今天的"资源共享"。  相似文献   

11.
12.
敦煌写本《孔子家语》的“十”卷并非“七”卷之误,它说明早期《孔子家语》的分卷与方法与今本不同,很可能就是二十一卷。但就文字、内容及注文来看,敦煌写本与今本基本相同,差别并不大,这说明《孔子家语》在唐以后的流传形态是基本稳定的,并不存在结构性创伤,所谓“唐本”与“宋本”的区分并没有多少实际意义。  相似文献   

13.
《孔圣宗师出身全传》是中国古代唯一以孔子为中心人物的章回体长篇小说,它比较严格地遵照史载.将一人言行编成若干故事,演为传记小说,此为首创,在中国古代小说史上亦属罕见。用通俗小说体例来展现圣人生平与思想,在孔子形象与儒学传播史上意义非凡。但《孔圣宗师出身全传》版本稀少,在相当长的时期内罕为人知,鲜有人论及。本文就该书的体例结构、题材本事与“全相”模式的来源,及其对孔子形象的传播影响略作考论,认为《孔圣宗师出身全传》“年谱式”体例借鉴了《阙里志.年谱》,题材主要出自《孔子家语》,“全相”模式深受《孔子圣迹图》的影响。《全传》使孔子形象与思想更利于被普通百姓理解、接受,具有独特的传播优势。  相似文献   

14.
Focusing on four linguistic domains, purpose/manner of communication, preferring local dialects, politeness, and volume of use, this study aims to explore how gender is reflected in messages produced by Iranian female and male students. A corpus of 2,116 text messages was analyzed. Participants also filled out a questionnaire on how frequently they used text messaging. Results indicated females to be more prolific users of messaging. As far as function is concerned, while texts produced by females were for the most part relational, involving an emotional language, males frequently employed messages for informative-transactional functions which were less wordy and in more authoritative language. In addition, males were more likely than females to employ their local dialect and forms considered less polite.  相似文献   

15.
The early twentieth century is a period in colonial Indian history marked, among other things, by nationalist explorations of what was commonly described as the upper middle‐class, Hindu high caste ‘woman's question’. In the process, gender roles and responsibilities in public and private spheres were being contemplated and negotiated in oral and written forms. This essay explores the text‐image combinations and relationships in a mainstream Hindi literary periodical published in North India in the 1930s. It focuses specifically on the gendered visual narrative that emerged from this periodical's engagement with the role of women in the Hindi public and private spheres. It argues that through the combination of text and image, the reader of the Hindi periodical Sudha was presented with verbal and visual messages that were deeply embedded in debates on literary and cultural nationalism.  相似文献   

16.
刘超 《安徽史学》2015,(2):72-78
1935年,国民党上海市党部以吕思勉《白话本国史》"丑诋岳飞,推崇秦桧"为由而责令修改;有人以此控告商务印书馆与吕思勉,法院决定不起诉。《白话本国史》中的岳飞叙述,不利于在民族危机中激发民族意识来抵抗日本侵略;但其中反军阀思想,有利于国民党加强中央权力,又为南京政府所需要。该案的处理方式反映了国民党政府对民族英雄叙述的尺度:尊崇岳飞为民族英雄,突出其反抗外族侵略的一面,希望借助其抗金形象来振发国民志气;同时把岳飞叙述限制于抗金事迹中,弱化其武将身份,警惕其对军阀政治的影响,以加强国家统一。  相似文献   

17.
Identities have been viewed as determining Taiwan’s China policy, but this article argues that identities cannot explain Taipei’s China policy without reference to rationality. The article develops a theoretical framework that synthesises identities and rationality and examines Taipei’s cross-Strait exchange programs. We argue that whether Taipei imposes or relaxes bans on cross-Strait exchanges depends not only on its identities but also on its rational decisions in response to the status of cross-Strait relations. On the one hand, a Taiwanese administration that upholds a one-China identity rationally restricts exchanges when cross-Strait relations are tense; conversely, it opens exchanges during cross-Strait détente. On the other hand, when Taipei embraces a Taiwanese identity, it is only in times of cross-Strait tensions that Taipei advances exchanges as a rational gesture of goodwill taken to avoid spirals of tension; conversely, exchanges will be low on Taipei’s policy priority list when cross-Strait crises recede.  相似文献   

18.
Paschasius Radbertus's Epitaphium Arsenii is a lively and polemical dialogue that takes us straight into the controversies within the court‐connected and competitive elite of the 850s. The latter's membership, ecclesiastical as well as secular, measured each other against the yardstick of public service, and used failure to live up to this as a means of attack. On the one hand, the Epitaphium is a highly personal text, aimed at a restricted audience; on the other, it addresses the shared values of the Carolingian political leadership. This was not a world dominated by ‘the Church’, but one in which many ‘churches’ (monasteries) and their abbots actively participated in the political arena.  相似文献   

19.
This article analyses Ivan Jablonka’s Laëtitia ou la fin des hommes, which garnered three major prizes in the fall of 2016 (Le Prix Littéraire du Monde, Le Médicis et Le Prix des Prix) while also receiving quasi-unanimous acclaim from French press and media. My purpose is to explain how Jablonka’s writing contributes to exposing, denouncing and even, as far as possible ex post facto and by means of a text, undertaking a kind of reparation of the masculine violence inflicted on the 18-year-old young woman not only at the end, but throughout her entire life. To this end, the paradigm of violence laid out by Lévinas and Derrida will allow us to explore the ethics and poetics of non-violence. If on the one hand Jablonka’s text reveals the subjective involvement of the researcher and writer, we will see on the other hand that his project carries social, political and human stakes: his writing of a ‘crime story’ constitutes a manner of understanding the tragedy in the context of French society, with its social, judiciary and political institutions.  相似文献   

20.
Summary This study is concerned with the relationships between text and image in central Spain during the period second century BC–second century AD. Three discrete relationships are isolated, each one representative of a unique strategy for communicating with both written and figured language. The paper argues that the Celtiberian populi adopted Roman epigraphic practice into a pre-existing visual vocabulary, reconfiguring written communication into an indigenous framework that met local predilections.  相似文献   

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