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1.
井凯笛 《攀登》2015,(1):53-56
建设社会主义法治国家和建设社会主义法治体系是全面推进依法治国战略的总目标,培育和践行以"三个倡导"为表现形式的社会主义核心价值观是建设社会主义法治体系的重要抓手。文章通过对社会主义核心价值观及法治体系建设目标的时代背景分析,阐释引导人们将国家层面的核心价值观作为一种价值目标、将社会层面的价值观作为一种价值取向、将公民层面的核心价值观作为一种价值准则理论内涵。明确"三位一体""共同推进""一体建设"文化传承是培育和践行社会主义核心价值观的战略举措。  相似文献   

2.
蒋瑜 《神州》2012,(26):18-18
公民是构成家庭、群体和社会的最基本要素,是公民社会的基本原子,当代中国无论是要实现国家的现代化还是建设社会主义和谐社会,公民的素质都是至关重要的。而对构建中国公民社会而言,实现政府的无为而治,  相似文献   

3.
王焕平 《黑龙江史志》2013,(11):344-345
构建社会主义和谐社会需要培养公民与之相适应的人格作为支撑,公民理想人格包含独立人格、创新人格、健康人格、诚信人格等四个层面内容,培养公民理想人格必须充分发挥教育在完善人格方面的主阵地作用,注重社会心理建设,进一步加强公民道德建设。  相似文献   

4.
杨艳 《神州》2012,(33):57-58
公民意识是指公民个人对自己在国家中地位的自我认识,也就是公民自觉地以宪法和法律规定的基本权利和义务为核心内容。高职学生作为新时期的接班人,未来社会生活的参与者、主导者,是国家的未来和希望,对其进行公民意识教育,丰富了我们社会主义国家的物质文明、精神文明、政治文明建设,关系着国家的前途和民族的命运。  相似文献   

5.
<正>党的十八大提出,倡导富强、民主、文明、和谐,倡导自由、平等、公正、法治,倡导爱国、敬业、诚信、友善,积极培育和践行社会主义核心价值观。三个倡导是按照国家、社会、公民的层次划分的,反映了价值观的三个层面。核心价值观是一个社会必须长期普遍遵循的价值准则,公民则是践行核心价值观的主体。作为公民层面的方志人,也是核心价值观的践行者。坚守核心价值观,才能丰富方志人的精神家园。为此就应提高地方志行业的自信度,在"爱国、敬业、诚信、友善"总的要求下,凝练表达出方志人特有的价值观念,并借助方志成果宣  相似文献   

6.
当代中国公民法治意识探析   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
来君 《攀登》2010,29(2):119-122
社会主体法治意识是实现"依法治国、建设社会主义法治国家"的关键和核心。法治意识作为一国公民的理性品质,构成法治国家的精神底蕴,它既是法律规范化的思想动力,又是制度建设的精神支柱。笔者从我国公民法治意识的现状入手,提出了对公民进行法治意识培养和教育的措施与办法。  相似文献   

7.
目前,我国正处于社会转型阶段,2015年国务院发表的《中国的司法改革》白皮书和党的十八届六中全会都强调了社会公平正义。实现社会公平正义,对社会弱势群体的保障是不可或缺的,这正是保护公民社会权的要求,同时也是全面推进依法治国的进程,对我国建设社会主义法治国家具有重大意义。社会权不同于传统的自由权,它在我国的保障和实现有所不足,需要在宪法和法律层面得到明确承认,从而完善社会权司法救济的诉讼程序保障。  相似文献   

8.
李萍 《攀登》2008,27(2):94-97
公民政治参与是民主政治建设的重要内容,是民主行政的表现形式,是维护社会稳定、构建社会主义和谐社会的必然选择。因此,学习贯彻科学发展观,要在完善现有的公民政治参与渠道的同时,积极拓宽新的公民政治参与渠道。  相似文献   

9.
高静丽 《沧桑》2009,(3):64-65,68
建设社会主义法治国家是中国现代化的必然选择,但由于中国长达两千年的封建历史,使得传统法律意识在广大人民群众中仍然有着广泛的市场,这对我国社会主义现代化进程之消极影响是不可低估的。公民法律意识现代化是一个发展过程,它与社会政治、经济、文化的发展紧密相连。所以,在研究法律意识现代化时,就必须要注重影响法律意识现代化的其他社会因素之发展。  相似文献   

10.
社会主义核心价值体系决定了社会整体的价值取向和思想意识的发展方向。社会主义核心价值体系是社会主义制度的内在精神和生命之魂,是社会主义在价值层面的本质体现。马克思主义的历史科学在社会主义核心价值体系的建设中,发挥了不可替代的作用。历史科学反映了人类社会发展的普遍规律,揭示了共产主义必将取代资本主义的历史必然性。要想贯彻了解历史科学,就必须充分掌握历史知识,其是一个国家社会发展的记录者,其具有增强民族自豪感和自信心的社会功能。了解历史科学,对于社会主义核心价值体系的建设具有十分重要的意义。  相似文献   

11.
The design of public policies is usually carried out from the perspective of policymakers. This paper views policy design from the perspective of ordinary individuals, seeking to identify ways in which policy design may increase the capacity of citizens to influence the provision of welfare services of significance to their everyday lives. The first section demonstrates that the phrase ‘welfare state’ is a constricting misnomer; welfare in society is the sum of activities in the household, the market and the state. Secondly, the paper considers characteristic consequences of the allocation of welfare by the state, the market and the household. On this basis, the third section reviews the implications for individual influence on public policies of policy designs that are intended to provide more popular participation; bring the state further in; and the use of market alternatives.  相似文献   

12.
Questions over identity politics, difference, and associated claims of authenticity, now occupy centre-stage in many countries. In this paper we focus on the nature of multiculturalism, citizenship and identity politics as they are emerging in Australian society. Essentially, we argue that the demands of political recognition of cultural particularity by specific groups are presenting complex challenges to the public institutions of contemporary liberalism that rest on the neutrality of the public sphere in its treatment of free and equal citizens regardless of race, gender or ethnicity. The ideas of nationhood and national consciousness still present themselves as essential aspects of contemporary political life, even though many questions concerning a re-conceptualization of nation and citizenship abound. This is the context through which the paper examines nationhood in Australia, particularly the points of tension arising from contrasting notions of citizenship and national culture. Our intention is to provide a glimpse of Australian society in the face of these changes and to draw some theoretical and analytical conclusions concerning the challenges to state and civil society.  相似文献   

13.
Existing research suggests that external sources of finance, such as foreign aid and natural resource rents, allow states to generate revenue independently of their societies, disincentivizing them from forming close links with their citizens and severely problematizing the notion of a social contract. In Lagos, Nigeria's commercial capital, a series of personal income tax reforms have seen an increase in taxpayer compliance. Considering Lagosians’ perceptions of their relation with the state government, this study examines whether the state had to ‘earn’ its revenue by developing a closer relationship with its citizens, and whether citizens responded through a greater willingness to pay tax. It explores how citizens understand this relationship, what role they perceive themselves to fulfil, and what their expectations are for the future of state–society relations. The study shows how, through efforts to visibly link tax to service delivery, a social contract is emerging between Lagos State and its citizens — but that this relationship differs among groups, in that it is shaped by pre‐existing concepts of public organization and modes of political engagement.  相似文献   

14.
By the mid-1960s, local-level development workers in Ghana were expected to act as the eyes and ears of the state, reporting on ‘the minds of the people’ and explaining their reactions to President Kwame Nkrumah's project of socialist reconstruction. This articles argues that through mass education, social welfare and community development plans, both the late colonial and early independent state sought to make its presence manifest in the everyday lives of its citizens, to bind them to a broader vision for their country, and to present their successes to the outside world. By identifying some of the competing models of social development that were promoted by British, Ghanaian and African-American experts in the aftermath of independence, this article investigates the role of specialist knowledge in the developmentalist authoritarianism which is often presented as a generic legacy of the colonial state in Africa.  相似文献   

15.
关于社会主义改造问题的再评价   总被引:9,自引:0,他引:9  
社会主义改造是我国经济战线上的社会主义革命,是生产关系方面由私有制到公有制的一场伟大的变革,是中国几千年来最伟大、最深刻的社会变革。党和国家提出进行社会主义改造是为了适应实现国家工业化这个任务的需要;新民主主义社会具有过渡性质,中共中央提出的过渡时期的总路线正是反映了这种情况,反映了历史的必然性。科学地评价社会主义改造,必须划清马克思主义与庸俗生产力论的界限;衡量社会主义改造是非得失的主要标准应当是看生产关系的变革对生产力的发展起促进作用还是起阻碍作用。  相似文献   

16.
辛亥革命时期,中国资产阶级革命派并非中国的马克思主义者,但在中国社会主义思想史上最早提出近代中国将不经过资本主义而直接过渡到社会主义社会,政治革命取得成功后宜继以和平的社会革命,中国社会主义要实行国营经济为主体、多种所有制经济共同发展的经济制度、关注和解决民生、实现公平正义,社会主义将分为国家社会主义和共产主义两个阶段。他们的社会主义思想在中国社会主义思想史上占有一定地位,即使在今天也仍具有一定现实意义。  相似文献   

17.
In order for all citizens to fully belong to a nation or a community, they must have membership in that society’s institutions, systems and social relations on both the formal and everyday levels. Heritage sites are public institutions of formal cultural presentation and informal social encounters where society demonstrates community membership. But in a country such as Canada where global economics and popular culture combine with an unprecedented influx of immigrants, how a community imagines itself and articulates its heritage is changing radically. Canada’s National Historic Sites (NHS) is among the important public institutions devoted to both the presentation of heritage and demonstration of citizen membership. This paper describes how this institution is adapting to changes in imaginings about citizenship, on both the formal and informal level. It looks at how NHS is expanding the involvement of all citizens in the why, what, how and to whom of heritage presentation, evolving its practices to include ethic minorities in its imaginings of Canadianness. Using as an example a new NHS exhibit and designations related to the Underground Railroad and African‐Canadians, the paper considers how historic sites, as formal instruments of the state, can be re‐tuned as informal sites of discourse and negotiation about identity, citizenship and belonging.  相似文献   

18.
李文峰  刘荣军 《攀登》2010,29(5):47-52
马克思的市民社会理论内容非常丰富。弄清其语境下的市民社会概念及其市民社会与政治国家的关系,深究其理论的人性本质这一根本主线,才能达到克服市民社会的异化形式与实现人类的解放这一最终归宿。深刻领悟其理论的精神实质,对我国正在进行的经济建设、政治建设、文化建设、和谐社会建设即四位一体的中国特色社会主义现代化建设具有重大的理论价值与实践价值。  相似文献   

19.
The transformation of the socialist societies of Central and Eastern Europe has been commonly described as a transition from a planned economy to a market economy and from a (semi)authoritarian system to a liberal democracy. According to this perspective, the implementation of new political and economic institutions was supposed to free the – so far suppressed – nature of all societies to become capitalist democracies. Such a vision of transformation dominated Polish public and academic discourse. It has been challenged by critics, who emphasized that transformation is an ambiguous process taking place at the level of social life rather than a macro-institutional level. Nevertheless, new concepts often reproduced characteristics of the rejected approach – a tendency to build dichotomous models based on simplified images of a pathological socialist legacy on one hand and of desired capitalist order on the other. Only recently a shift in the transformation discourse might be observed. The best examples are studies employing ethnographic methods, which focus on the level of everyday practices, and study how systemic changes were experienced by social actors. The article is an analysis of the social sciences’ discourse on transformation in the context of the broader public discourse in Poland. It depicts the transitology paradigm and its critique evolving from institutional and cultural perspectives. The focus is on concepts of homo sovieticus, ‘winners and losers’, learned helplessness and the like. Finally, the implications of ethnographic approaches are discussed. The case provokes questions about the role of social scientists in the vital processes of their own society.  相似文献   

20.
This article argues that contemporary independent documentary filmmaking in China has been used as a tool by Chinese citizens to intervene in the public sphere and to provoke social change. I therefore propose to look at the phenomenon of Chinese video activism under the umbrella of alternative media. In particular, I take into consideration the “rhizomatic” media approach, which focuses on the interaction of alternative media with authority, the market and civil society. The case studies I present consist of several documentary projects completed between 2004 and 2010 that opened up spaces of dialogue between filmmakers and local authority, mass media and civil society. The paper claims that documentary films have an impact on audiences, whose members are consequently motivated to engage in discussion and action. I argue that activist video-making in China is reshaping the identity of urban citizens: through filmmaking, urban citizens claim their right to access information and demonstrate their will to participate and intervene in social issues.  相似文献   

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