试析南北战争时期联邦政府革命外交取得成功的原因

内乱招致外患,这是国际关系史上的一种规律性现象。外交在内战期间有特别重要的意义。如何妥善处理“外患”,以期顺利平定内乱、维护国家统一,140年前美国内战时期的外交给了我们很好的启示。     

浅析晚清政府外交观念的演变

近代中国,“外交”与“屈辱”可以说是一对孪生兄弟。即便有个别成功的外交案例,但还是无法摆脱屈辱外交的形象。这除了中国国力衰弱的原因外,晚清政府外交观念的滞后也是很重要的因素。关于晚清政府的外交观念,以往文章已有所涉及,但一些问题还有待挖掘。笔者试图通过回顾晚清外交观念演变的脉络,探析晚清屈辱外交形成的的观念因素,从而深化我们对观念转变的重要性的认识,树立科学的外交观念。     

“道义外交”与国民政府对日外交策略

1934年底开始被中、日两国政府提倡,而在1935年上半年盛行一时的中日“亲善外交”(或称“道义外交”),在当时即扑朔迷离。此后研究大多对其持否定态度。本从外交策略的角度,阐述了国民政府在“道义外交”实施前所面临的外交困境以及国民政府为改变中日外交状况而实施“道义外交”的策略思路;对日本外务部门和关东军对“道义外交”的不同回应也进行了分析;对国民政府由于“道义外交”开展而面临日本军部和外务省两方面压力的状况作了描述。指出,从外交策略上看,不能排除它是国民政府对日外交政策和策略的一种主动积极的调整,而不能将其完全视为本质性的卖国外交政策和策略。但是,它的实施和失败,既使国民政府的外交重新陷于了被动,也使国民政府的民族代表性遭到质疑。     

外交战士陈家康

2003年4月13日,人民日报发表了署名“岳涛”的《缅怀我国外交战士陈家康》一文,文中高度评价了他“参加开创新中国外交事业”的一生。     

熊猫外交和葬礼外交

新中国从成立到20世纪80年代初,一直都处在东西方冷战的大背景下。为了更好地服务国家利益,新中国的领导人抓住一切机会、采取一切必要的手段发展对外关系。除了大家熟知的“兰花外交”、“乒乓外交”外,还有不少其他的外交手段。     

熊猫外交和葬礼外交

新中国从成立到20世纪80年代初,一直都处在东西方冷战的大背景下。为了更好地服务国家利益,新中国的领导人抓住一切机会、采取一切必要的手段发展对外关系。除了大家熟知的“兰花外交”、“乒乓外交”外,还有不少其他的外交手段。     

关于十八大报告中外交战略新思路的解析

在党的十八大上,胡锦涛以“继续促进人类和平与发展的崇高事业”为主题,对当前的国际形势和中国外交作了精辟有力的论述。十八大报告的外交部分准确分析中国所处的国际环境,确定中国的身份和责任,并在此基础上指明中国新时期的外交理念和外交策略,勾画出中国外交战略的新蓝图,为正在稳步发展的中国外交指明了前进的方向。     

新时期中国文化外交兴起的必然

文化是国际竞争中备受关注的“软力量”。文化外交作为一个国家总体外交的重要组成部分越来越引起人们的重视。文化外交包括双边和多边文化交流、留学生培养、语言推广和媒体信息交流等活动。文化外交与公共外交关系密切,但又有所侧重。中国拥有悠久的对外文化交流的历史,改革开放以来,我国文化外交在配合国家整体外交,提升文化的国际影响力,宣传中国和平发展理念以及树立良好国家形象等方面发挥了重要的作用。尽管我国的文化外交仍处在一个初级阶段,对外文化交流的潜力还没有得到充分发挥,但是潜力巨大的中国文化外交必将在新世纪有着广阔的发展前景。     

美国文化外交及其在波兰的运用

文化外交,在国际关系中作用越来越重要。冷战中美国对苏联东欧的文化外交,即美国政府对苏联东欧人民的以传播美国文化为核心内容的外交,是美国对苏东“双轨政策”中的重要一轨,也是美国对苏东和平演变战略的一个重要方面。本文以美国对波兰的文化外交为窗口,对美国文化外交的实质、策略、特点进行细致的考察和分析。     

外交廉吏归崇敬

在自信、包容、大气磅礴的唐代对外交往史上,曾涌现出无数有作为的外交使臣。他们有的“宣国风于殊俗,谕大化于异域”(《大唐西域记赞》),传播唐明,充当了化传播的使;有的穿梭于周边或两国之间,调停纷争,斡旋关系,充当着“和平”的使。本所论及的便是一位在唐代中国与新罗友好交往     

中国传统对外关系研究刍议

本文认为,以重大事件为中心的中国古代对外关系史研究,和以帝国主义侵华为话语的中国近代对外关系史研究,在当代带有严重的视域局限性.基于参与现代和对话现代的需要,它们可以归并到中国传统对外关系体系之中.而开展对中国传统对外关系的研究,不仅要考察朝贡体制在历朝的演变轨迹,还应关注封贡关系行为与对外政策、涉外思想三者之间的互动.     

Spain's and Poland's Road to NATO: the problem of continuity and change in the foreign policy of a democratising state

The aim of this article is to compare the Spanish and Polish road to NATO from the perspective of the shape of the foreign policy and its possible restructuring in states undergoing the process of democratic transformation. The study of both cases shows that the reorientation of the foreign policy of a democratising state results to a large extent from external conditions at the global and regional levels although the internal conditions may hinder or accelerate the reorientation. The example of Spain demonstrates that in a firm and stable international system (the bipolar system) it is extremely difficult to change the direction of foreign policy, even if there are internal premises such as democratisation, well-organised opposition supporting the change and social support. In the case of Poland, the flexible and unstable international system made it possible to radically change the direction of its foreign policy. The existing internal premises without the appropriate external context would not have been enough to generate the reorientation of foreign policy. The comparative study of Spanish and Polish cases should be treated as an introduction to the broader analysis on the subject of the restructuring of foreign policy in the democratising state. Democratic transformation processes which took place in Europe from the mid-1970s provide broad empirical material for further scientific work in this area.     

The Abbott government and the Islamic State: a securitised and elitist foreign policy discourse

This article analyses the foreign policy discourse that surrounded the Abbott government’s 2014 decision to fight the Islamic State (IS). An analysis of parliamentary Hansard reveals that the debate featured three prominent axes: the legacy of the 2003 Iraq War; the strategies and objectives of the 2014 mission; and Australia’s domestic terror threat level. Throughout, the Abbott government not only marginalised dissenting views, but also justified its renewed engagement in the Middle East via a highly securitised and elitist foreign policy discourse. This finding has consequences beyond the battle against the IS. It reveals a deep-seated tension between the ideals of democratic pluralism and the reality that securitised and elitist foreign policy discourses protect governments from serious scrutiny.     

The rise of the Indo-Pacific: understanding ideational change and continuity in India's foreign policy

In 2011, the concept of the Indo-Pacific began to appear in India's foreign policy discourse. This article argues that rather than signalling a dramatic shift in India's foreign policy, however, the way in which the Indo-Pacific has been interpreted by the Indian leadership suggests significant continuity as well as change, which is contrary to the goals of the concept's most fervent proponents in India. The article seeks to develop a framework for understanding ideational change and continuity in foreign policy by theorising the interplay between ideas, political and economic flux, and social expectations related to effective and legitimate state-building. It is argued that the Indo-Pacific concept has instigated a new emphasis on regional architecture-building to manage the ongoing regionalisation in the area between the Indian and Pacific Oceans as a result of heightened trade flows and production and investment linkages. Yet, the Indo-Pacific concept, like the new policy ideas on regional engagement that preceded it—the Look East policy and the ‘extended neighbourhood’—has been articulated in ways that are also compatible with long-standing ideas—such as non-alignment—about what constitutes appropriate international behaviour. This reflects the nature of the broader state project that has emerged since 1990, which, while encompassing a new focus on economic growth and competitiveness as being essential to effective state-building, continues to prioritise older ideas about what constitutes effective and legitimate state-building.     

Mapping the potential impact of synthetic biology on Australian foreign policy

Synthetic biology is an emerging technology that will impact on the future security and prosperity of Australia. As a discrete policy area synthetic biology has not been explored in relation to Australian foreign policy. To begin this process an understanding of Australia’s genetic endowment, Australia’s agricultural endowment and those security concerns novel to synthetic biology need to be developed. The convergence of the biological sciences and the information sciences is creating novel security concerns that impact on Australian sovereignty, both mainland and the Antarctic Territories, plant and animal health, and defence medical infrastructure. These concerns cross many traditional disciplinary and policy boundaries, an awareness of this is required and a nascent national practitioner community can develop this further. Drawing from work conducted by the US and UK synthetic biology practitioner communities, this article lays out the unique touch points synthetic biology has on Australian foreign policy.     

Power in Australian foreign policy

The 2017 Foreign Policy White Paper emphasises the importance of ‘maximising’ Australia’s power and influence. However, the White Paper and much of the commentary on Australian foreign policy do not clearly conceptualise ‘power’ or indicate how it ought to be increased. The Lowy Institute’s recent Asia Power Index implies one possible strategy via its resource-based approach to measuring power. We outline a different approach and argue that power should be conceptualised and evaluated as a specific relationship causing behavioural change, rather than as a general attribute of its wielder. To complement the Lowy Institute’s carefully catalogued database, and facilitate a more focused conversation about maximising power and influence in Australian foreign policy, we offer a typology identifying five pathways through which states can translate their material and non-material resources into outcomes that serve the national interest.     

Silvio Berlusconi and the traditions of Italian foreign policy: a comment on Ambassador Romano's presentation

Abstract

While open to criticism on many levels, the foreign policy of Italy under Silvio Berlusconi does not deviate in many significant ways from traditional approaches, especially on its management of Italy's relations with the United States and the European Union. Italy's ‘exceptionalism’ is also similar to that of many other European states.     

In defence of Australian foreign policy: common themes,assumptions, and challenges

ABSTRACT

While interrelated issues and challenges can only expand, the study of foreign policy in Australia is not a very healthy discipline. While not wholly wedged on life-support, there are genuine grounds for concern about the decline of Australian foreign policy (AFP) as a subject for serious academic concentration and its position as a marginalised topic of analysis. Unfortunately, attempts to reinvigorate the field continue to contend with a number of ingrained biases. AFP can be incorrectly dismissed as muddled and marginal while major debate points in the field are often glibly portrayed as broadly settled. This is despite the that fact that it can provide unique insights into policy-making in the twenty-first century while teaching students the benefits of problem-solving through a multi-disciplinary lens. Additionally, there is an ever-changing, contested set of knowledge that future leaders will need to consider in order to be successful, critical thinkers in a multi-agency environment. This will continue to incorporate an evolving variety of significant issues that constitute both conventional and unconventional threats to national interests.     

Innovations in teaching Australian foreign policy: trust,simulations, and study tours

ABSTRACT

More than ever as the uncertainties of a digitalised world are upon us and where power shifts to and within the region disrupt the familiar patterns of engagement, the acquisition of the knowledge and competencies necessary for Australia to be a trusted international partner are pressing matters. So too, in the development of both personal and professional skills, our pedagogic remit to students guides us to assist them in learning more about themselves in the process. How, then, should we teach Australian foreign policy and in doing so grow the conjunctive tissue of student self-learning in order to prepare students for the world of diplomacy necessitated by Australia's international workspace? Here, experiential learning can have a powerful effect in the teaching of Australian foreign policy and in the development of students' life and professional skills. Both in-person simulations situated within the context of a thoughtful curriculum, and short-term international mobility study tours can contribute to an effective mix of learning experiences and assist us in moving closer toward effective practice in the current uncertainties and an era of digital transformation.